{"id":10346,"date":"2016-04-19T20:35:52","date_gmt":"2016-04-19T19:35:52","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/shekulliagency.com\/?p=10346"},"modified":"2016-04-19T20:35:52","modified_gmt":"2016-04-19T19:35:52","slug":"konvergjenca-turqi-arabi-saudite","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/?p=10346","title":{"rendered":"Konvergjenca Turqi-Arabi Saudite"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><strong>Mbreti i Arabis\u00eb Saudite, Salman bin Abdulaziz al-Saud, vizitoi Turqin\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje t\u00eb ftes\u00ebs s\u00eb Presidentit Recep Tayyip Erdogan, si dhe mori pjes\u00eb n\u00eb Samitin e Organizat\u00ebs s\u00eb Bashk\u00ebpunimit Islamik (OBI).<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"http:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2016\/04\/selman-erdogan-655.jpg\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-9980\" src=\"http:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2016\/04\/selman-erdogan-655.jpg\" alt=\"selman-erdogan-655\" width=\"864\" height=\"486\" srcset=\"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2016\/04\/selman-erdogan-655.jpg 864w, https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2016\/04\/selman-erdogan-655-300x169.jpg 300w, https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2016\/04\/selman-erdogan-655-768x432.jpg 768w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 864px) 100vw, 864px\" \/><\/a>Turqia i kushtoi r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb vizit\u00ebs s\u00eb Mbretit Salman, i cili u nderua nga Presidenti Erdogan me medaljen shtet\u00ebrore m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Turqis\u00eb. Q\u00eb kur Mbreti Salman u ngjit n\u00eb fron, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet Turqi-Arabi Saudite jan\u00eb mb\u00ebshtjell\u00eb nga nj\u00eb klim\u00eb pranverore. Realisht, pas grushtit t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb korrikut 2013 ndaj Muhamed Mursit, presidenti i par\u00eb egjiptian i zgjedhur me vot\u00ebn e lir\u00eb t\u00eb popullit, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrmjet Ankaras\u00eb dhe Riadit ishin zbehur dhe madje kishin marr\u00eb nuanca negative. Kjo sepse Turqia u rendit zyrtarisht p\u00ebrkrah vullnetit popullor n\u00eb Egjipt, nd\u00ebrsa administrata saudite ofroi mb\u00ebshtetje madhore t\u00eb gjithanshme p\u00ebr pu\u00e7ist\u00ebt egjiptian\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Kurse sot, t\u00eb dyja k\u00ebto vende i p\u00ebrcjellin bot\u00ebs mesazhin se jan\u00eb partner\u00eb dhe aleat\u00eb strategjik\u00eb n\u00eb rajon. Mir\u00ebpo cilat jan\u00eb arsyet q\u00eb i shtyn\u00eb k\u00ebto dy shtete t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb rajonit p\u00ebr t&#8217;i \u00e7uar marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrmjet tyre n\u00eb pik\u00ebn m\u00eb lart\u00eb historike?<\/p>\n<p>K\u00ebt\u00eb gj\u00eb nuk mund ta minimizojm\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00eb faktorin e quajtur Mbreti Salman, por duhet t\u00eb vler\u00ebsojm\u00eb holl\u00ebsisht perceptimet e interesave t\u00eb p\u00ebrputhshme t\u00eb Turqis\u00eb dhe t\u00eb Arabis\u00eb Saudite, si dhe politikat q\u00eb ndjekin shtetet n\u00eb fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr realizimin e k\u00ebtyre interesave.<\/p>\n<p>Mbi t\u00eb gjitha, t\u00eb dyja k\u00ebto vende p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht ndihen t\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuara nga politikat, q\u00eb fuqit\u00eb e m\u00ebdha per\u00ebndimore ndjekin n\u00eb rajon. Sot, m\u00ebnyra sesi Arabia Saudite dhe Turqia i lexojn\u00eb proceset n\u00eb Siri, Irak dhe Jemen \u00ebsht\u00eb kryesisht e nj\u00ebjt\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, besohet gjer\u00ebsisht se Irani ka fituar n\u00eb rajon nj\u00eb influenc\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe se \u00e7&#8217;duhet dhe se kjo duhet t\u00eb ekuilibrohet. \u00c7\u00ebshtja e gjetjes s\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjes me Iranin p\u00ebr programin b\u00ebrthamor t\u00eb k\u00ebtij t\u00eb fundit, gjykohet si moskok\u00eb\u00e7arje e Per\u00ebndimit ndaj ekuilibrave t\u00eb rajonit p\u00ebr t\u00eb realizuar interesat e tij ekonomike.<\/p>\n<p>Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtje, q\u00eb shqet\u00ebson jo pak Ankaran\u00eb dhe Riadin, \u00ebsht\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzimi i dhun\u00ebs s\u00eb organizatave terroriste transnacionale, ku ia vlen t\u00eb p\u00ebrmenden sidomos Al-Kaida dhe DAESH-i, si justifikim p\u00ebr ta mbajtur rajonin t\u00eb hapur p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrhyrjet e huaja. Turqia dhe Arabia Saudite k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb q\u00eb shtetet e rajonit ose ato islame t\u00eb marrin p\u00ebrsip\u00ebr nism\u00ebn e drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb luftuar vet\u00eb kund\u00ebr organizatave t\u00eb sip\u00ebrcituara.<\/p>\n<p>Shqet\u00ebsimet e Arabis\u00eb Saudite n\u00eb lidhje me Iranin kan\u00eb nisur n\u00eb vitin 1979. Konkurrenca gjeopolitike pas Revolucionit Iranian, i njohur edhe si Revolucioni Islamik, shkaktoi nj\u00eb \u201cluft\u00eb t\u00eb ftoht\u00eb rajonale\u201d nd\u00ebrmjet dy vendeve. Regjimi i themeluar n\u00eb vitin 1979 n\u00eb Iran ngriti pik\u00ebpyetje mbi ekuilibrin e fuqive n\u00eb rajon dhe ideologjikisht sfidoi statuskuon\u00eb rajonale. Kjo situat\u00eb i shtyu Irakun dhe vendet e Gjirit, me n\u00eb krye administrat\u00ebn saudite, pasi ishte pik\u00ebrisht statusi i saj ai m\u00eb i sfiduari, q\u00eb t\u00eb perceptojn\u00eb nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim t\u00eb ri. Rrjedhimisht, vendet e Gjirit i ofruan regjimit t\u00eb Saddam Husseinit mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb gjithanshme n\u00eb luft\u00ebn 8-vje\u00e7are Iran-Irak.<\/p>\n<p>Rr\u00ebzimi i regjimit t\u00eb Saddam Husseinit pas nd\u00ebrhyrjes ushtarake t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr nga SHBA-t\u00eb n\u00eb Irak, n\u00eb vitin 2003, p\u00ebrb\u00ebn nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr thyerje. Ndryshimi i regjimit irakian, si pasoj\u00eb e nd\u00ebrhyrjes amerikane, te Riadi dhe aleat\u00ebt e tij t\u00eb Gjirit krijoi perceptimin e nj\u00eb shkarjeje t\u00eb ekuilibrit rajonal t\u00eb fuqive n\u00eb favor t\u00eb Iranit. Qeverit\u00eb e formuara nga partit\u00eb shiite, t\u00eb cilat fituan zgjedhjet dhe mor\u00ebn drejtimin e Bagdadit zyrtar pas pushtimit amerikan, vendos\u00ebn marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie t\u00eb ngushta me Teheranin. Kjo e konsolidoi akoma m\u00eb shum\u00eb perceptimin n\u00eb fjal\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Vendet e Gjirit u ndjen\u00eb mbi gjemba edhe nga roli i Teheranit e aleat\u00ebve t\u00eb tij gjat\u00eb procesit t\u00eb Pranver\u00ebs Arabe, si dhe nga zhvillimet n\u00eb Bahrejn. Influenca iraniane mbi popullat\u00ebn shiite t\u00eb Lindjes s\u00eb Mesme arabe p\u00ebrforcoi tek saudit\u00ebt dhe aleat\u00ebt e tyre iden\u00eb se Teherani ka synime dhe plane hegjemoniste. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb situat\u00eb, administrata saudite e lexoi si nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrje iraniane n\u00eb vendet arabe t\u00eb Gjirit. Nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht, Riadi zyrtar vler\u00ebsoi nga aspekti i ekuilibrit dhe i luft\u00ebs rajonale p\u00ebr pushtet gjithashtu zhvillimet n\u00eb Jemen dhe n\u00eb Siri.<\/p>\n<p>Pas marr\u00ebveshjes b\u00ebrthamore me Iranin, shqet\u00ebsimet ndaj Teheranit u shtuan edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb. N\u00eb Irak, bashk\u00ebrendimi i qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb Bagdadit me Iranin dhe me Shtetet e Bashkuara t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs, duke paraqitur si pretekst DAESH-in, u vler\u00ebsua si nj\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunim nd\u00ebrmjet Teheranit dhe Uashingtonit. Shqet\u00ebsimi u b\u00eb edhe m\u00eb i madh pasi vendet per\u00ebndimore, t\u00eb cilat k\u00ebmb\u00ebngulnin p\u00ebr \u201clargimin e Esadit\u201d n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb 2012-s, ndryshuan q\u00ebndrimin e tyre brenda dy vitesh. Por kupa u mbush kur ekuacionit t\u00eb quajtur Siri iu shtua Rusia, e cila u renditet n\u00eb krah t\u00eb regjimit t\u00eb Esadit, ashtu si dhe Irani. L\u00ebvizjet e sip\u00ebrcituara po konsolidonin q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e regjimit t\u00eb Esadit dhe, nga k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimi i Arabis\u00eb Saudite, kjo n\u00ebnkuptonte miratimin dhe konfirmimin e influenc\u00ebs gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb rritje t\u00eb Iranit n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n<p>Andej nga gjysma e vitit 2014, Turqia dhe Arabia Saudite filluan t&#8217;i lexojn\u00eb kryesisht n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn m\u00ebnyr\u00eb zhvillimet rajonale dhe q\u00ebndrimet e tyre nis\u00ebn t\u00eb p\u00ebrputhen. Nd\u00ebrsa pas ngjitjes s\u00eb Salman bin Abdulazizit n\u00eb fronin e Mbret\u00ebris\u00eb Saudite, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrmjet dy vendeve u zhvilluan me shpejt\u00ebsi. Marr\u00ebveshja e Bashk\u00ebpunimit Strategjik, q\u00eb u n\u00ebnshkrua n\u00eb muajin dhjetor t\u00eb 2015-s, rezultoi nj\u00eb pik\u00eb kthese e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb suaz\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>T\u00eb dyja vendet bashk\u00ebveprojn\u00eb ngusht\u00eb p\u00ebr themelimin e nj\u00eb aleance ushtarake t\u00eb ngjashme me NATO-n. Nisma q\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshij\u00eb 34 vende myslimane brenda organizat\u00ebs me tipare ushtarake, nga pik\u00ebpamja e Turqis\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptonte rritjen e kapaciteteve strategjike t\u00eb saj n\u00eb Lindjen e Mesme. Shqet\u00ebsimi i Ankaras\u00eb dhe i Riadit nga q\u00ebndrimet e per\u00ebndimor\u00ebve n\u00eb rajon luajti rolin e nj\u00eb katalizatori n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunim mes dy vendeve. Si rezultat i k\u00ebsaj marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieje, q\u00ebndrimet e Turqis\u00eb dhe ato t\u00eb Arabis\u00eb Saudite filluan t\u00eb p\u00ebrputhen n\u00eb vija t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme, pavar\u00ebsisht se m\u00eb par\u00eb ato ndiqnin politika t\u00eb kund\u00ebrta p\u00ebr sa i takon Siris\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Sakaq, ka shenja t\u00eb fuqishme se k\u00ebto dy vende do t&#8217;i zhvillojn\u00eb edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e tyre multilaterale gjat\u00eb vitit 2016.<\/p>\n<p>Por a jan\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme k\u00ebto marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie? Nj\u00eb nga ve\u00e7orit\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb Lindjes s\u00eb Mesme \u00ebsht\u00eb jet\u00ebshkurt\u00ebsia e p\u00ebrgjithshme e nismave p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunim politik. Arsyeja e k\u00ebsaj nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb mungesa e kapacitetit t\u00eb vendeve t\u00eb rajonit, por ekspozimi i rajonit ndaj nd\u00ebrhyrjeve t\u00eb huaja t\u00eb vazhdueshme q\u00eb prej fillimit t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb 19-t\u00eb. N\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e rasteve, dinamikat lokale apo vendore n\u00eb Lindjen e Mesme jan\u00eb shtypur p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb k\u00ebtij ekspozimi dhe kjo ka nxjerr\u00eb n\u00eb pah regjime dhe struktura shtet\u00ebrore shum\u00eb t\u00eb pamjaftueshme p\u00ebr t&#8217;u institucionalizuar. Realiteti i nd\u00ebrhyrjes s\u00eb jashtme aktive vijon ende n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rajon; por ne do t\u00eb jemi n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb shikojm\u00eb ekzistenc\u00ebn e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve t\u00eb institucionalizuara p\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb q\u00eb do t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb ndjeshm\u00ebria e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt kund\u00ebr k\u00ebtyre nd\u00ebrhyrjeve t\u00eb jashtme.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"http:\/\/www.trt.net.tr\/shqip\/\"><em>Shqip\u00ebroi: Hilmi Velagoshti &#8211; Gazetar n\u00eb Departamentin e Transmetimeve t\u00eb Jashtme, TRT, Ankara<\/em><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Mbreti i Arabis\u00eb Saudite, Salman bin Abdulaziz al-Saud, vizitoi Turqin\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje t\u00eb ftes\u00ebs s\u00eb Presidentit Recep Tayyip Erdogan, si dhe mori pjes\u00eb n\u00eb Samitin e Organizat\u00ebs s\u00eb Bashk\u00ebpunimit Islamik&#8230;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":9980,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[14],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-10346","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-reflektim"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10346"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=10346"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10346\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10347,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10346\/revisions\/10347"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/9980"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=10346"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=10346"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=10346"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}