{"id":12486,"date":"2016-06-21T11:39:31","date_gmt":"2016-06-21T10:39:31","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/shekulliagency.com\/?p=12486"},"modified":"2016-06-21T11:39:31","modified_gmt":"2016-06-21T10:39:31","slug":"politika-lukrative-e-busteve","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/?p=12486","title":{"rendered":"Politika lukrative e busteve"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"Xhelal-Neziri\"<\/a>Sado e pabesueshme, kishte gjasa t\u00eb hapet edhe tema se sa na kushtoi kjo pjes\u00ebmarrje si bashk\u00ebsi etnike n\u00eb nj\u00eb projekt kontrovers si \u201cShkupi 2014\u201d. N\u00eb fakt, tema e pjes\u00ebmarrjes n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb projekt \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb interesante si n\u00eb aspektin financiar, pasi paguhet nga xhepat e t\u00eb gjith\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve, po ashtu edhe n\u00eb aspektin politik \u2013 pasi n\u00ebnkupton legjitimim t\u00eb tij.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Shkruan: Xhelal Neziri<\/p>\n

Pas shum\u00eb paralajm\u00ebrimeve dhe pompozitetit politik, busti i priftit, teologut dhe shkrimtarit t\u00eb let\u00ebrsis\u00eb s\u00eb vjet\u00ebr shqipe Pjet\u00ebr Bogdani u vendos n\u00eb Shkup. Gjith\u00eb debati, mbase, do t\u00eb kishte marr\u00eb kahe tjera n\u00ebse viti i lindjes dhe ai i vdekjes do t\u00eb ishin sh\u00ebnuar sakt\u00eb. Edhe pse i lindur n\u00eb vitin 1625 dhe i vdekur m\u00eb 1989, n\u00eb bazamentin e statuj\u00ebs dat\u00eblindja ishte shkruar me pes\u00eb vite vones\u00eb, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb data e vdekjes \u2013 tri vite m\u00eb her\u00ebt. Porosit\u00ebsi i bustit, pra Qeveria e Maqedonis\u00eb, duket se ia kishte \u201cshkurtuar\u201d jet\u00ebn shkrimtarit p\u00ebr 8 vite.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse nuk do t\u00eb ishte ky gabim, mbase tem\u00eb kryesore do t\u00eb ishte n\u00ebse busti i Bogdanit, bashk\u00eb me at\u00eb t\u00eb Nexhat Agollit dhe Josif bagerit, \u00ebsht\u00eb hisja e shqiptar\u00ebve n\u00eb projektin \u201cShkupi 2014\u201d. Apo, n\u00ebse busti i Bogdanit do t\u00eb ngjyroset nga laraman\u00ebt nj\u00ebjt\u00eb si bustet e tjera t\u00eb k\u00ebtij projekti. Apo, n\u00ebse busti i Bogdanit \u00ebsht\u00eb provokim p\u00ebr shqiptar\u00ebt mysliman\u00eb t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb shkaku i veprave t\u00eb tij kishtare, ku pretendohet se fyhet feja islame. Sado e pabesueshme, kishte gjasa t\u00eb hapet edhe tema se sa na kushtoi kjo pjes\u00ebmarrje si bashk\u00ebsi etnike n\u00eb nj\u00eb projekt kontrovers si \u201cShkupi 2014\u201d. N\u00eb fakt, tema e pjes\u00ebmarrjes n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb projekt \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb interesante si n\u00eb aspektin financiar, pasi paguhet nga xhepat e t\u00eb gjith\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve, po ashtu edhe n\u00eb aspektin politik \u2013 pasi n\u00ebnkupton legjitimim t\u00eb tij.<\/p>\n

Investimi i nj\u00eb shume marramend\u00ebse prej m\u00eb shum\u00eb se gjysm\u00eb miliard\u00eb eurosh n\u00eb statuja dhe fasada barok n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb kur shumica e qytetar\u00ebve ballafaqohet me nevoja shum\u00eb konkrete, e b\u00ebn k\u00ebt\u00eb projekt t\u00eb jet\u00eb jasht\u00eb \u00e7do logjike t\u00eb sh\u00ebndosh\u00eb. E b\u00ebn nj\u00eb projekt q\u00eb do t\u00eb d\u00ebshmoj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb t\u00eb err\u00ebt t\u00eb eksperimenteve p\u00ebr rikonfigurimin identitar dhe t\u00eb aktiviteteve t\u00eb korrupsionit masiv n\u00eb Maqedoni.<\/p>\n

Identifikimi n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet statujave <\/strong><\/p>\n

Ky projekt, q\u00eb ishte paralajm\u00ebruar q\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 2010 nga qeveria e p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00eb nga VMRO-DPMNE e Nikolla Gruevskit dhe BDI e Ali Ahmetit, shkaktoi reagime t\u00eb ndara n\u00eb opinion. Kjo ndasi kishte m\u00eb shum\u00eb karakter ideologjik sesa etnik ose religjioz. Matjet e opinionit publik treguan se m\u00eb shum\u00eb se gjysma e maqedonasve etnik e kund\u00ebrshtojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb projekt, i cili synonte t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb nj\u00eb transformim t\u00eb identitetit t\u00eb tyre nga sllav n\u00eb antik. Reagimi negativ e detyroi pushtetin t\u00eb dal\u00eb me nj\u00eb teori tjet\u00ebr mbi identitetin e maqedonasve, i cili paraqitej si inkluziv dhe n\u00ebnkuptonte nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht edhe at\u00eb antik edhe at\u00eb sllav. Shumica e shqiptar\u00ebve etnik\u00eb, nd\u00ebrkaq, shpreh\u00ebn revolt\u00ebn p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb projekt megaloman n\u00eb kuptimin e shpenzimit t\u00eb parave publike p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtje q\u00eb nuk prekin interesin dhe nevojat e tyre konkrete. Kund\u00ebrshtimi i tyre nuk kishte t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me antik\u00ebn ose \u00e7\u00ebshtjet identitare, por buronte nga mungesa e sensit qeveritar p\u00ebr caktimin e prioriteteve.<\/p>\n

Shqiptar\u00ebt sikur e kishin kaluar faz\u00ebn e ekzaltimit nga bustet, q\u00eb pretendonin t\u00eb lart\u00ebsonin heronj nga historia e tyre e larg\u00ebt dhe e af\u00ebrt. Pas konfliktit t\u00eb vitit 2001 u ngrit\u00ebn nj\u00eb num\u00ebr i madh i statujave dhe monumenteve, q\u00eb kishin p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim v\u00ebnien e themeleve historike p\u00ebr revolucionin e armatosur q\u00eb kishte ndodhur. Kulmi u arrit me vendosjen e figur\u00ebs s\u00eb Gjergj Kastriotit-Sk\u00ebnderbeut n\u00eb Shkup.<\/p>\n

Lideri i BDI-s\u00eb, Ahmeti, kishte p\u00ebrdorur vendosjen e Sk\u00ebnderbeut n\u00eb kryeqytetin e Maqedonis\u00eb si nj\u00eb moment mjaft lukrativ n\u00eb rrafshin politik. Intenca ishte t\u00eb krijohet nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhje midis Sk\u00ebnderbeut, si nj\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs politiko-ushtarak nga mesjeta, dhe Ahmetit si nj\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs politiko-ushtarak i bashk\u00ebkohores. Ngritja e bustit t\u00eb Sk\u00ebnderbeut, n\u00eb fakt, ishte ngritja e figur\u00ebs s\u00eb Ahmetit. Ajo statuj\u00eb do t\u00eb d\u00ebshmoj\u00eb p\u00ebr periudh\u00ebn e veprimit t\u00eb Ahmetit, e cila gjithsesi se m\u00ebtohet t\u00eb sh\u00ebnohet n\u00eb histori si \u201cperiudh\u00eb e ndritshme\u201d. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 veprave t\u00eb Sk\u00ebnderbeut, kjo statuj\u00eb m\u00ebtohet t\u00eb d\u00ebshmoj\u00eb edhe p\u00ebr momentin e ngritjes s\u00eb k\u00ebsaj figure n\u00eb Shkup.<\/p>\n

Tendenca e nj\u00ebjt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe me bustin e Aleksandrit t\u00eb Madh, me t\u00eb cilin tenton t\u00eb identifikohet pik\u00ebrisht Gruevski. Ka skulptor\u00eb q\u00eb thon\u00eb fytyra e Aleksand\u00ebrit n\u00eb at\u00eb bust \u00ebsht\u00eb gati identike me at\u00eb t\u00eb Gruevskit. Edhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast q\u00ebllimi \u00ebsht\u00eb lukrativ, edhe at\u00eb n\u00eb dy rrafshe \u2013 n\u00eb at\u00eb politik dhe n\u00eb at\u00eb financiar. Tendenca p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb korrelacion midis Aleksandrit dhe Gruevskit \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb periudhat q\u00eb kan\u00eb sjell\u00eb forcimin e shtetit t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb. I pari e forcoi Maqedonin\u00eb antike dhe krijoi nj\u00eb perandori t\u00eb p\u00ebrmasave bot\u00ebrore, nd\u00ebrsa i dyti e forcoi Maqedonin\u00eb bashk\u00ebkohore brenda dhe n\u00eb raport me \u201carmiqt\u00eb e jasht\u00ebm\u201d. Thellimi i mosmarr\u00ebveshjeve me Greqin\u00eb krijonte nd\u00ebrlidhjen propagandistike t\u00eb\u00a0 figur\u00ebs s\u00eb Gruevskit me at\u00eb t\u00eb Aleksand\u00ebrit. T\u00eb dyja figurat shkaktonin provokim te grek\u00ebt, gj\u00eb q\u00eb e betononte bindjen e nj\u00eb pjese t\u00eb mir\u00eb e maqedonasve etnik\u00eb se \u201cpas shum\u00eb vitesh pritje, m\u00eb n\u00eb fund fituan nj\u00eb lider t\u00eb madh me p\u00ebrmasa perandori\u201d.<\/p>\n

Harresa e nevojave praktike<\/strong><\/p>\n

Pra, pjesa m\u00eb e madhe e busteve t\u00eb projektit \u201cShkupi 2014\u201d dhe atyre q\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt me vet\u00ebfinancim i ngrit\u00ebn pas 2001-shit, nuk ishin p\u00ebr t\u00eb lart\u00ebsuar figurat ose ngjarjet nga historia e hershme ose e vonshme, por p\u00ebr t\u00eb lart\u00ebsuar n\u00eb mite figurat politike t\u00eb s\u00eb tashmes. Personifikimi i politikan\u00ebve bashk\u00ebkohor\u00eb te figurat e historis\u00eb, megjithat\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb film q\u00eb nuk zgjat p\u00ebrgjithmon\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Reagimi gati i nj\u00ebz\u00ebsh\u00ebm i shqiptar\u00ebve etnik\u00eb kund\u00ebr projektit \u201cShkupi 2014\u201d tregoi se nevoja p\u00ebr buste dhe p\u00ebrmendore ishte p\u00ebrmbushur m\u00eb her\u00ebt. Ata nuk u ekzaltuan edhe nga vendosja e tre figurave shqiptare s\u00eb fundmi, n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebtij projekti kontrovers. Ballafaqimi me nevojat reale dhe praktike ndikoi n\u00eb refuzimin e projektit q\u00eb n\u00eb fillim, reagim ky q\u00eb ishte burim permanent i tensioneve nd\u00ebretnike dhe nd\u00ebrfetare.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb fakt, shqiptar\u00ebt duket se presin nj\u00eb strategji t\u00eb mir\u00ebfillt\u00eb zhvillimi ekonomik, e cila do t\u00eb mund\u00ebsoj\u00eb q\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00ebt e tyre t\u00eb ken\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb n\u00eb vendlindje, e jo t\u00eb ikin jasht\u00eb vendit nj\u00ebjt\u00eb si\u00e7 shkuan n\u00eb kurbet gjeneratat e viteve t\u00eb 70\u2019ta dhe 80\u2019ta. Ose, si\u00e7 migronin n\u00eb \u201ct\u00eb zez\u00eb\u201d n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim gjeneratat e viteve t\u00eb 90\u2019ta. Gati asnj\u00eb parti nuk ka ofruar strategji zhvillimi, q\u00eb do ta ringjallte industrin\u00eb e prodhimit dhe riprodhimit, bujq\u00ebsis\u00eb, blegtoris\u00eb ose edhe t\u00eb teknologjis\u00eb informatike. N\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb fush\u00ebn e Pollogut nuk ka sistem modern t\u00eb ujitjes, me t\u00eb cilin do t\u00eb rritej prodhimtaria bujq\u00ebsore, nuk ka as subvencione e as plan p\u00ebr zhvillimin e industris\u00eb s\u00eb p\u00ebrpunimit t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre prodhimeve. Nuk ka asnj\u00eb plan p\u00ebr t\u00ebrheqjen e investuesve t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt do t\u00eb hapnin vende t\u00eb reja t\u00eb pun\u00ebs. Ajo q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb propaganduar si ofert\u00eb ekonomike m\u00eb shum\u00eb ka qen\u00eb nj\u00eb plan naiv dhe manipulativ p\u00ebr opinionin, t\u00eb cilit nuk i ka besuar as vet lidershipi i partis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrve\u00e7 munges\u00ebs s\u00eb planeve t\u00eb mir\u00ebfillta zhvillimore, vler\u00ebsohet se nuk ka as vullnet nga vet\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit e shqiptar\u00ebve etnik\u00eb n\u00eb nivel qendror e lokal, q\u00eb ato t\u00eb zbatohen n\u00eb praktik\u00eb. Ka disa raste kur investitor\u00ebt e huaj jan\u00eb larguar nga vendi shkaku i shumave t\u00eb m\u00ebdha q\u00eb u jan\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar si form\u00eb ryshfeti. Ka raste kur u \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar edhe partneritet pa investuar asnj\u00eb qindark\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse grumbullimi i votave p\u00ebrmes planeve zhvillimore k\u00ebrkon transparenc\u00eb, vullnet, dije dhe shum\u00eb angazhim, politika me buste sjell vota t\u00eb kollajshme. Nxitja e ndjenjave komb\u00ebtare, duke u identifikuar me figura t\u00eb kultit, shpesh tregohet si strategjia m\u00eb e suksesshme p\u00ebr kamuflimin e d\u00ebshtimeve, korrupsionit dhe keqp\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit politik. Mjegulla q\u00eb krijohet me buste ka q\u00ebllimin kryesor q\u00eb t\u2019i shtyj\u00eb n\u00eb harres\u00eb nevojat praktike t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve. Dhe, t\u2019i pamund\u00ebsoj\u00eb tatimpaguesit q\u00eb ta parashtrojn\u00eb pyetjen: ku shkuan parat\u00eb?<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Sado e pabesueshme, kishte gjasa t\u00eb hapet edhe tema se sa na kushtoi kjo pjes\u00ebmarrje si bashk\u00ebsi etnike n\u00eb nj\u00eb projekt kontrovers si \u201cShkupi 2014\u201d. N\u00eb fakt, tema e pjes\u00ebmarrjes…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":10994,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-12486","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinionanaliza"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12486"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=12486"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12486\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":12487,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12486\/revisions\/12487"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/10994"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=12486"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=12486"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=12486"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}