{"id":14606,"date":"2016-09-11T12:37:02","date_gmt":"2016-09-11T10:37:02","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/shekulliagency.com\/?p=14606"},"modified":"2016-09-11T12:39:20","modified_gmt":"2016-09-11T10:39:20","slug":"toke-per-pushtet","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/?p=14606","title":{"rendered":"Tok\u00eb p\u00ebr pushtet"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"Abdi-Baleta\"<\/a>N\u00eb fillim t\u00eb gushtit kryetari i Kuvendit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs shpalli se m\u00eb 1 shtator 2016 ky Kuvend do ta kryejn\u00eb pun\u00ebn p\u00ebr miratimin \u201cMarr\u00ebveshjes mbi demarkacionin e kufirit me Malin e Zi\u201d. Nj\u00eb ngutje disi e pakuptueshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb vendosur k\u00ebshtu, kur nuk ka ndryshuar asgj\u00eb n\u00eb rrethanat politike t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs lidhur me k\u00ebt\u00eb problem, q\u00eb ka shkaktuar p\u00ebrplasje t\u00eb forta politike midis pushtetit ekzekutiv dhe Vet\u00ebvendosjes, e cila nuk i ka braktisur skenat e pazakonta parlamentare me l\u00ebshim gazi tymues e lotsjell\u00ebs, q\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebgjohet z\u00ebri i saj opozitar.<\/em><\/p>\n

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Shkruan: Abdi Baleta, Tiran\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n

Titullin e m\u00ebsip\u00ebrm t\u00eb shkrimit ma soll\u00ebn n\u00eb mendje tri raste transaksionesh territoriale e kufitare midis shtetesh n\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb pari, mu kujtua formula \u201cPeace for Land\u201d (Tok\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebmbim t\u00eb Paqes), q\u00eb u p\u00ebrdor si mbules\u00eb e si karrem p\u00ebr bisedimet e fshehta izraelito-palestineze mbi marr\u00ebveshjet e Oslos t\u00eb vitit 1993, t\u00eb cilat nuk kan\u00eb sjell\u00eb asnj\u00eb rezultat t\u00eb duksh\u00ebm deri tani. Natyrisht midis rastit izraelito-palestinez dhe atij shqiptaro-malazez ka fare pak ngjashm\u00ebri: premtohet tok\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur nj\u00eb q\u00ebllim politik. Por, ka nj\u00eb ndryshim shum\u00eb t\u00eb madh n\u00eb natyr\u00ebn e k\u00ebtij premtimi: pushtetar\u00ebt e Izraelit premtonin t\u2019u kthenin palestinez\u00ebve, n\u00eb k\u00ebmbim t\u00eb l\u00ebshimeve t\u00eb ndjeshme politike, ndonj\u00eb cop\u00eb nga territoret q\u00eb Izraeli ua kishte grabitur me luft\u00eb. N\u00eb rastin e Kosov\u00ebs b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019i japin tok\u00eb nj\u00eb shteti e populli, t\u00eb cilit shqiptar\u00ebt nuk i kan\u00eb marr\u00eb asgj\u00eb. Pushtetar\u00ebt kosovar\u00eb po tregojn\u00eb gatishm\u00ebri t\u00eb skajshme t\u2019i japin Malit t\u00eb Zi mij\u00ebra hektar\u00eb truall t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs pa p\u00ebrfitim p\u00ebr shtetin e vet.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb dyti, mendja duhet t\u00eb na shkoj\u00eb tek ngjashm\u00ebria flagrante e marr\u00ebveshjes kosovaro-malazeze me ujdin\u00eb q\u00eb b\u00ebri me Greqin\u00eb, pothuajse n\u00eb fsheht\u00ebsi, diplomacia (Berisha-Basha) e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb vij\u00eb ndar\u00ebse shum\u00eb problematike t\u00eb uj\u00ebrave territoriale e t\u00eb shelfit kontinental. Kjo marr\u00ebveshje, fatmir\u00ebsisht, nuk u paraqit n\u00eb parlament, ku me siguri do t\u00eb ishte ratifikuar, pasi opozita, Partia Socialiste, e ankimoi n\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebn Kushtetuese si marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb paligjshme dhe t\u00eb d\u00ebmshme p\u00ebr Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb. Gjykata Kushtetuese mori vendimin e drejt\u00eb p\u00ebr ta hedhur posht\u00eb at\u00eb, duke e b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebshtu t\u00eb paqen\u00eb e t\u00eb pavlefshme. Fatkeq\u00ebsisht, n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb gj\u00ebrat nuk e kan\u00eb ndjekur k\u00ebt\u00eb ecuri, sepse duket rrethanat jan\u00eb zhvilluar ndryshe. Atje nuk ka Gjykat\u00eb Kushtetuese t\u00eb till\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb pengoj\u00eb qoft\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00ebfar\u00eb kohe miratimin e marr\u00ebveshjes me Malin e Zi, derisa t\u00eb qart\u00ebsohen p\u00ebrfundimisht pun\u00ebt midis shqiptar\u00ebve. N\u00eb ndryshim nga rasti i \u201cfaljes s\u00eb detit\u201d n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, faktor\u00ebt nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb ushtrojn\u00eb trysni t\u00eb fort\u00eb q\u00eb qeveria e Kosov\u00ebs ta p\u00ebrfundoj\u00eb sa m\u00eb par\u00eb procesin e nisur n\u00eb dobi t\u00eb Malit t\u00eb Zi, q\u00eb ky shtet t\u00eb afrohet m\u00eb shum\u00eb me NATO-n e t\u00eb largohet nga Rusia.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb treti, \u00ebsht\u00eb rasti shum\u00eb i njohur dhe i p\u00ebrfolur i marr\u00ebveshjes midis Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb dhe Jugosllavis\u00eb s\u00eb Par\u00eb p\u00ebr qart\u00ebsimin (rektifikimin) e kufirit n\u00eb zon\u00ebn rreth kish\u00ebs ortodokse sllavo-bizantine t\u00eb Sh\u00ebn Naumit, n\u00eb cepin juglindor t\u00eb Liqenit t\u00eb Ohrit. Konferenca e Londr\u00ebs e vitit 1913, kur vendosi delimitacionin e kufijve t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb cunguar shqiptar, nuk e kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb fort t\u00eb qart\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb delimitacion dhe kishte l\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb shkas p\u00ebr konflikt n\u00eb faz\u00ebn e dyt\u00eb, at\u00eb t\u00eb demarkacionit. Instancat diplomatike evropiane, q\u00eb u mor\u00ebn me k\u00ebt\u00eb konflikt, dhan\u00eb disa her\u00eb vler\u00ebsime kontradiktore dhe p\u00ebrfundimisht ua lan\u00eb n\u00eb der\u00eb pal\u00ebve, serbe e shqiptare, ta zgjidhnin me marr\u00ebveshje midis tyre. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, gjendja n\u00eb terren nuk ishte aspak e favorshme p\u00ebr shtetin shqiptar, sepse Sh\u00ebn Naumi mbahej i pushtuar nga ushtria serbe, q\u00eb nuk d\u00ebbohej dot pa luft\u00eb. Kuptohet q\u00eb shteti i sapongritur shqiptar nuk kishte asnj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi praktike t\u00eb hynte n\u00eb luft\u00eb. Po t\u00eb kishte nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb till\u00eb, ai luft\u00ebn duhej ta b\u00ebnte p\u00ebr t\u00eb rimarr\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn, ejo p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbajtur nj\u00eb kish\u00eb ortodokse sllavo-bizantine, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn b\u00ebnin potere kryesisht ortodoks\u00ebt e Kor\u00e7\u00ebs, q\u00eb synonin t\u00eb kishin edhe nj\u00eb \u201crepublik\u00eb autonome ortodokse\u201d n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb krahin\u00eb. (\u201cMemorandumi i t\u00eb Krishter\u00ebvet Shqiptar\u00eb\u201d, n\u00eb \u201cShqip\u00ebri e Re-Albania Noua\u201d, Konstanc\u00eb-Rumani 10 prill 1921; Harallamb Kota, \u201d95-vjetori i Memorandumit t\u00eb par\u00eb t\u00eb Kor\u00e7\u00ebs 13-19 shkurt 1921\u201d. \u201cTelegraf\u201d 13 shkurt 2016).<\/p>\n

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Megjithat\u00eb, n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri deri tani \u00ebsht\u00eb folur e shkruar pa pushim se marr\u00ebveshja q\u00eb u b\u00eb p\u00ebr Sh\u00ebn Naumin ishte falje ose shitje nga Ahmet Zogu i territorit shqiptar si shp\u00ebrblim q\u00eb Serbia e Pashiqi e kishin ndihmuar t\u00eb vinte n\u00eb pushtet m\u00eb 1924. Pra, ishte \u201ckish\u00eb p\u00ebr pushtet\u201d. Akuza pa vend p\u00ebr \u201cshitje t\u00eb territorit shqiptar\u201d i ishin b\u00ebr\u00eb edhe m\u00eb her\u00ebt (dhe i b\u00ebhen tani) edhe Esat Pash\u00eb Toptanit, q\u00eb komandoi p\u00ebr 7 muaj (fillimisht si z\u00ebvend\u00ebskomandant i kolonelit turk Hasan Riza Pasha) ushtrit\u00eb osmano-shqiptare q\u00eb mbrojt\u00ebn Shkodr\u00ebn e rrethuar nga ushtrit\u00eb serbo-malazeze. Kjo mbrojtje heroike b\u00ebri q\u00eb Shkodra sot \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri dhe nuk u humb si Janina. Marr\u00ebveshjen p\u00ebr dor\u00ebzimin e Shkodr\u00ebs, p\u00ebr pak koh\u00eb, Esat Pash\u00eb Toptani e b\u00ebri vet\u00ebm pasi i kishin shteruar t\u00eb gjitha mund\u00ebsit\u00eb p\u00ebr rezistenc\u00eb dhe diplomacia nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare kishte vendosur q\u00eb Shkodra t\u2019i mbetej Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb.<\/p>\n

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Marr\u00ebveshja e p\u00ebrfolur p\u00ebr Sh\u00ebn Naumin p\u00ebrb\u00ebn n\u00eb fakt nj\u00eb rast dhe shembull konkret q\u00eb d\u00ebshmon se si, edhe nga pozitat e m\u00eb t\u00eb dob\u00ebtit, shteti shqiptar me diplomacin\u00eb e shkath\u00ebt arriti t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitonte duke dh\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201cKish\u00eb p\u00ebr Tok\u00eb\u201d. N\u00eb k\u00ebmbim p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb kish\u00eb Shqip\u00ebria mori fshatin Peshk\u00ebpi t\u00eb banuar nga shqiptar\u00eb ortodoks\u00eb, q\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnoheshin me shkomb\u00ebtarizim, mori nj\u00eb sip\u00ebrfaqe toke t\u00eb punueshme e kullos\u00eb prej 22 kilometrash katror\u00eb (22 her\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe se ajo e kish\u00ebs) dhe p\u00ebrfitime t\u00eb tjera. K\u00ebt\u00eb fakt e pohojn\u00eb edhe studiues antizogist\u00eb dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb e sh\u00ebnuar n\u00eb dokumente zyrtare. Megjithat\u00eb, klishet\u00eb propagandistike se \u201cZogu shiti ose fali Sh\u00ebn Naumin\u201d jan\u00eb ende n\u00eb qarkullim. K\u00ebshtu ka ndodhur dhe n\u00eb rastin e botimit m\u00eb t\u00eb fundit e shterues t\u00eb dokumenteve n\u00eb librin prej 700 faqesh nga historiania Kaliopi Naska, \u201cSh\u00ebn Naumi dhe diplomacia e koh\u00ebs\u201d, Tiran\u00eb 2012. Vet\u00eb autorja nxjerr p\u00ebrfundime t\u00eb gabuara, q\u00eb i hedh posht\u00eb vet\u00eb libri q\u00eb ka p\u00ebrgatitur. \u00cbsht\u00eb e habitshme q\u00eb disa politikan\u00eb kosovar\u00eb dhe disa studiues e propagandist\u00eb q\u00eb i mb\u00ebshtesin n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri kund\u00ebrshtimet e tyre ndaj demarkacionit me Malin e Zi p\u00ebrpiqen ta p\u00ebrqasin n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb krejt t\u00eb gabuar negative me marr\u00ebveshjen p\u00ebr Sh\u00ebn Naumin.<\/p>\n

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Kur bisedohet e debatohet p\u00ebr m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitur dhe po i imponohet Kuvendit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs \u201cMarr\u00ebveshja p\u00ebr demarkacionin me Malin e Zi\u201d, do t\u00eb ishte shum\u00eb dobiprur\u00ebse nj\u00eb qasje serioze ndaj marr\u00ebveshjes p\u00ebr \u201cSh\u00ebn Naumin\u201d, duke u nisur pik\u00ebs\u00ebpari nga k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimi i vlerave politike, diplomatike e juridike q\u00eb ajo ka edhe p\u00ebr sot. Marr\u00ebveshja p\u00ebr Sh\u00ebn Naumin nuk u p\u00ebrgatit n\u00eb gjysm\u00eb fsheht\u00ebsi nga qeveritar\u00ebt shqiptar\u00eb t\u00eb koh\u00ebs, as si pazarll\u00ebk i keq me formul\u00ebn \u201ckish\u00eb p\u00ebr pushtet\u201d, por \u00e7do gj\u00eb u b\u00eb me transparenc\u00eb t\u00eb plot\u00eb para legjislativit e para opinionit publik. U zhvillua nj\u00eb veprimtari e dendur e dinjitoze diplomatike, duke sqaruar ose edhe kund\u00ebrshtuar instancat europiane. Do t\u00eb ishte me shum\u00eb vler\u00eb q\u00eb k\u00ebshtu t\u00eb ishte vepruar deri tani ose t\u00eb veprohet tani e tutje p\u00ebr rastin e \u201cMarr\u00ebveshjes mbi demarkacionin me Malin e Zi\u201d. P\u00ebr seriozitetin e k\u00ebsaj qasjeje n\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktimin e vij\u00ebs s\u00eb kufirit n\u00eb terren (q\u00eb quhet demarkacion, n\u00eb dallim nga p\u00ebrcaktimi i vij\u00ebs n\u00eb hart\u00eb, q\u00eb quhet delimitacion) t\u00eb bind korrespondenca e gjat\u00eb diplomatike q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb n\u00eb rastin e Sh\u00ebn Naumit, e q\u00eb mbush librin voluminoz t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitur nga Kaliopi Naska. Pse t\u00eb mos veprohet me k\u00ebt\u00eb seriozitet edhe p\u00ebr marr\u00ebveshjen mbi kufirin midis Kosov\u00ebs me Malin e Zi?!<\/p>\n

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Libri i p\u00ebrgatitur nga Kaliopi Naska fillon me nj\u00eb list\u00eb prej 249 dokumentesh t\u00eb korrespondenc\u00ebs qeveritare e diplomatike, nga 19 mars 1913 (Projekti austro-italian mbi kufirin jugor t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb) deri m\u00eb 30 korrik 1926 \u201cAkti final i regjistrimit t\u00eb kufijve t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb\u201d n\u00eb Sekretariatin e P\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm t\u00eb Lidhjes s\u00eb Kombeve\u201d. Sa vite pun\u00eb intensive p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e nj\u00eb kishe! Pse gjith\u00eb ky nxitim i madh p\u00ebr nj\u00eb \u201cdemarkacion kufiri\u201d n\u00eb bjeshk\u00ebt midis Kosov\u00ebs e Malit t\u00eb Zi? P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, pse ky tension e padurim kaq i madh n\u00eb politik\u00ebn kosovare p\u00ebr t\u2019i dh\u00ebn\u00eb Malit t\u00eb Zi shpejt e shpejt, pa u sqaruar mir\u00eb si \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta, pa i bindur njer\u00ebzit p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, disa mij\u00ebra hektar\u00eb bjeshk\u00eb, kur dihet se bjeshk\u00ebt nuk i l\u00ebviz asgj\u00eb nga vendi.<\/p>\n

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Pjesa m\u00eb me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi dhe m\u00eb me dobi n\u00eb librin e historianes Kaliopi Naska jan\u00eb sigurisht bisedimet e b\u00ebra n\u00eb Parlamentin Shqiptar, raportimet q\u00eb b\u00ebnte her\u00eb pas here Komisioni i ngarkuar nga qeveria dhe disa ministra t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb p\u00ebr ecurin\u00eb e bisedimeve me jugosllav\u00ebt. Komisioni kryesohej nga nj\u00eb personalitet politik me em\u00ebr e p\u00ebrgatitje t\u00eb mir\u00eb, si Mehdi Frash\u00ebri, i cili me k\u00ebrkes\u00eb t\u00eb Mbretit Zog n\u00eb m\u00ebrgim, ka b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb 31 janar 1960 edhe nj\u00eb shkrim shpjegues mbi marr\u00ebveshjen e Sh\u00ebn Naumit. (\u201cGSH\u201d, 10 janar 2002). Komisioni dhe qeveria i drejtoheshin disa her\u00eb Parlamentit p\u00ebr t\u2019i k\u00ebrkuar mendim e vler\u00ebsim p\u00ebr q\u00ebndrimet q\u00eb po t\u00eb mbanin, p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb autorizim e miratim p\u00ebr bisedimet shtes\u00eb e hapat e m\u00ebtejme. Edhe kur deputet\u00ebt thoshin se Komisioni e Qeveria ishin veshur tashm\u00eb me plotfuqit\u00eb t\u00eb vepronin pa miratime t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjetme q\u00ebndrimesh, Komisioni ngulte k\u00ebmb\u00eb q\u00eb Parlamenti t\u00eb ishte i p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha fazat e bisedimeve, deri n\u00eb miratimin e tekstit p\u00ebrfundimtar. Nd\u00ebrkaq n\u00eb rastin e marr\u00ebveshjes kufitare midis Kosov\u00ebs e Malit t\u00eb Zi kemi d\u00ebgjuar vazhdimisht ankesa nga deputet\u00eb opozitar\u00eb se qeveria po i l\u00eb n\u00eb terr informativ, nuk d\u00ebshiron t\u2019i mbaj\u00eb n\u00eb dijeni p\u00ebr hapat q\u00eb hidhen, p\u00ebr argumentet q\u00eb shk\u00ebmbehen, por synon ta v\u00eb Parlamentin para nj\u00eb fakti t\u00eb kryer gjat\u00eb nj\u00eb seance formale p\u00ebr miratimin e tekstit p\u00ebrfundimtar. A do t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht kjo gj\u00eb m\u00eb 1 shtator 2016?!<\/p>\n

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Gjat\u00eb procesit t\u00eb bisedimeve p\u00ebr marr\u00ebveshjen mbi Sh\u00ebn Naumin b\u00ebhej vazhdimisht e qart\u00eb se pala shqiptare po hiqte dor\u00eb vet\u00ebm nga nj\u00eb \u201cmonastir ortodoks\u201d. Kryetar\u00ebt e Parlamentit, Eshref Frash\u00ebri e Pandeli Evangjeli, n\u00eb letrat e tyre e kan\u00eb theksuar qart\u00eb se b\u00ebhej fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr \u201cRektifikimin e kufirit\u201d n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet shk\u00ebmbimit t\u00eb territorit. Pra, nuk b\u00ebhej fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr \u201ccedim territori\u201d, sikurse duket se po ndodh tani midis Kosov\u00ebs e Malit t\u00eb Zi. P\u00ebr fat t\u00eb keq, n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri jo vet\u00ebm propagandist\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebndomt\u00eb, por edhe specialist\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, nuk heqin ende dor\u00eb nga terminologjia e pasakt\u00eb juridikisht se marr\u00ebveshja p\u00ebr Sh\u00ebn Naumit ishte p\u00ebr \u201ccedim territori\u201d, q\u00eb n\u00ebnkupton \u201cshitje\u201d ose \u201cfalje\u201d territori. Nuk e di se cili term \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur n\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjen e Kosov\u00ebs me Malin e Zi: \u201crektifikim kufiri\u201d, \u201ccedim territori\u201d, \u201cpjes\u00ebtim territori\u201d ose, thjesht, \u201csakt\u00ebsim i vij\u00ebs s\u00eb kufirit me vendosjen e shenjave t\u00eb dallueshme kufitare (piramidave)\u201d. Jam i bindur se nuk shkojn\u00eb termat \u201cpjes\u00ebtim ose ndarje territori\u201d, sepse ai territor prej mij\u00ebra hektar\u00ebsh nuk mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb qen\u00eb deri tani \u201ctok\u00eb e askujt\u201d. Po a ka dokumente t\u00eb qarta se tok\u00eb e kujt ka qen\u00eb\u201d! Kush i ka ato dokumente?<\/p>\n

N\u00eb nj\u00eb kuptim t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb p\u00ebr pjes\u00ebtim territori mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb n\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjen e d\u00ebshtuar midis Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb e Greqis\u00eb p\u00ebr ndarjen e uj\u00ebrave territoriale e t\u00eb shelfit kontinental. Por, edhe k\u00ebtu pjes\u00ebtimi nuk mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet me dor\u00eb krejt\u00ebsisht t\u00eb lir\u00eb, sepse ekzistojn\u00eb rregulla t\u00eb vendosura nga e drejta nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht nga Konventa e OKB-s\u00eb mbi t\u00eb Drejt\u00ebn e Detit. \u201cRektifikimi i territorit\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb term i pap\u00ebrshtatsh\u00ebm kur b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr mij\u00ebra hektar\u00eb q\u00eb Kosova b\u00ebhet gati t\u2019ia l\u00ebshoj\u00eb Malit t\u00eb Zi. \u201cRektifikimi\u201d b\u00ebhet n\u00eb hap\u00ebsira shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb kufizuara e p\u00ebr arsye tejet specifike. Problemi i nj\u00eb sip\u00ebrfaqeje t\u00eb till\u00eb t\u00eb madhe duhej t\u00eb ishte zgjidhur qysh n\u00eb faz\u00ebn e delimitacionit, e jo t\u00eb lihej p\u00ebr n\u00eb faz\u00ebn e demarkacionit. Po kush dhe kur e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb delimitacionin e kufirit midis Kosov\u00ebs e Malit t\u00eb Zi, si dy shtete t\u00eb sotme t\u00eb pavarura? Nuk ka kuptim t\u00eb flitet p\u00ebr \u201cdemarkacion\u201d n\u00ebse nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb \u201cdelimitacioni\u201d.<\/p>\n

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Pra, rasti i Sh\u00ebn Naumit vlen shum\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar se si duhet trajtuar nj\u00eb problem dhe nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje kufitare nga k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimi politik, diplomatik e juridik. Ka edhe shum\u00eb konsiderata t\u00eb tjera q\u00eb duhen mbajtur parasysh p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjykuar se \u00e7\u2019po u ndodh\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve dhe Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs me marr\u00ebveshjen p\u00ebr demarkacionin e kufirit me Malin e Zi. P\u00ebr k\u00ebto kan\u00eb folur e shkruar mjaft politikan\u00eb e specialist\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, madje dhe n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. Jan\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb mendime shum\u00eb t\u00eb vlefshme, q\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb diskutim bazueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e k\u00ebsaj marr\u00ebveshje dhe sidomos k\u00ebmb\u00ebnguljen e Qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr ta mbyllur at\u00eb sa m\u00eb par\u00eb. \u00cbsht\u00eb shqet\u00ebsues fakti q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb qarta kriteret mbi t\u00eb cilat \u00ebsht\u00eb proceduar. Kemi d\u00ebgjuar se theksi vihet te nj\u00ebfar\u00eb \u201ckriteri kadastral\u201d, i cili duket shum\u00eb i dyshimt\u00eb. Kufijt\u00eb shtet\u00ebror\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb trajtohen me kritere pron\u00ebsore n\u00eb kuptimin juridiko-civil. Kufijt\u00eb shtet\u00ebror\u00eb kan\u00eb kuptim e vler\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe. Luft\u00ebrat m\u00eb t\u00eb shumta n\u00eb bot\u00eb jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtje territoresh. Edhe n\u00eb jet\u00ebn e zakonshme njer\u00ebzit jan\u00eb armiq\u00ebsuar e vrar\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb p\u00ebr gurin e kufirit e gardhin ndar\u00ebs t\u00eb pron\u00ebs. Prandaj, zgjidhjet e k\u00ebtyre \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb durim, vullnet t\u00eb mir\u00eb, koh\u00eb t\u00eb mjaftueshme dhe nuk duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebhen as p\u00ebr nevoja pushtetore, as p\u00ebr d\u00ebgjueshm\u00ebri ndaj miqve e dashamir\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

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Para disa vitesh kam shkruar nj\u00eb shkrim t\u00eb gjat\u00eb mbi rrezikun e ambientimit t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve me cop\u00ebtimin komb\u00ebtar e shtet\u00ebror. Ky rrezik po shoq\u00ebrohet gjithnj\u00eb m\u00eb duksh\u00ebm edhe me rrezikun e ambientimit t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve me shqyerjen copa-copa \u201cme marr\u00ebveshje\u201d t\u00eb kufijve t\u00eb tyre dhe zhvatjen e pasurive komb\u00ebtare me tender\u00eb e koncesione \u201cintegruese\u201d nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

N\u00eb fillim t\u00eb gushtit kryetari i Kuvendit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs shpalli se m\u00eb 1 shtator 2016 ky Kuvend do ta kryejn\u00eb pun\u00ebn p\u00ebr miratimin \u201cMarr\u00ebveshjes mbi demarkacionin e kufirit me Malin…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":272,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-14606","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinionanaliza"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14606"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=14606"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14606\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":14610,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14606\/revisions\/14610"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/272"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=14606"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=14606"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=14606"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}