{"id":17445,"date":"2017-01-15T14:52:05","date_gmt":"2017-01-15T13:52:05","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/shekulliagency.com\/?p=17445"},"modified":"2017-01-15T14:52:49","modified_gmt":"2017-01-15T13:52:49","slug":"a-mund-te-perparoje-agjenda-shqiptare-ne-maqedoni","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/?p=17445","title":{"rendered":"A mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrparoj\u00eb agjenda shqiptare n\u00eb Maqedoni?"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><em><a href=\"http:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/01\/zaimi-8799-e1484488290825.jpg\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter wp-image-17446\" src=\"http:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/01\/zaimi-8799-e1484488290825.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"704\" height=\"389\" srcset=\"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/01\/zaimi-8799-e1484488290825.jpg 686w, https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/01\/zaimi-8799-e1484488290825-300x166.jpg 300w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 704px) 100vw, 704px\" \/><\/a>Ndoshta m\u00eb shum\u00eb se p\u00ebr merit\u00eb t\u00eb LSDM-s\u00eb, gjasht\u00eb mandatet e shqiptar\u00ebve jan\u00eb humbur p\u00ebr faj t\u00eb partive shqiptare. Sigurisht p\u00ebr faj t\u00eb partive t\u00eb vjetra, q\u00eb n\u00eb 14 vitet pas luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Maqedoni nuk kan\u00eb arritur kurr\u00eb t\u2019i p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsojn\u00eb kushtet politike e ekonomike t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve n\u00eb Maqedoni, edhe pse lufta i nxori n\u00eb pozit\u00eb t\u00eb favorshme. Madje, as kushtet modeste t\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruara n\u00eb \u201dMarr\u00ebveshjen e Ohrit\u201d k\u00ebto parti t\u00eb vjetra nuk kan\u00eb arritur t\u2019i garantojn\u00eb.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><strong>Shkruan: Arb\u00ebr ZAIMI<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Demokracia elektorale rrall\u00eb prodhon mrekulli, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb ata q\u00eb presin t\u00eb tilla do t\u00eb mbeten t\u00eb zhg\u00ebnjyer nga rezultatet n\u00eb zgjedhjet e dhjetorit 2016 n\u00eb Maqedoni. Megjithat\u00eb, k\u00ebto zgjedhje l\u00ebn\u00eb vend p\u00ebr analiz\u00eb, pasi e paraqesin sado kudo nj\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb p\u00ebr ndryshim.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb krahun e partive tradicionalisht maqedonase, mandatet e deputet\u00ebve kan\u00eb shkuar s\u00ebrish p\u00ebr VMRO-n\u00eb e Gruevskit dhe p\u00ebr LSDM-n\u00eb e Zaevit, por k\u00ebsaj radhe diferenca e tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb e vog\u00ebl. VMRO-ja i ka marr\u00eb 9 mandate m\u00eb pak se her\u00ebn e shkuar dhe ka p\u00ebrfunduar me 51 mandate, nd\u00ebrsa LSDM-ja ka nj\u00eb rritje impresive me 15 mandate, n\u00eb total 49, pra vet\u00ebm dy mandate m\u00eb pak se VMRO-ja. N\u00eb total dy partit\u00eb maqedonase kan\u00eb marr\u00eb gjasht\u00eb mandate m\u00eb shum\u00eb se n\u00eb zgjedhjet e shkuara. N\u00eb zgjedhjet e shkuara Parlamenti i Maqedonis\u00eb i ka pasur 123 vende, prej t\u00eb cilave 96 kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb partive maqedonase, pra 76,4%, nd\u00ebrsa k\u00ebsaj radhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb parlament m\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl (120 vende), dy partit\u00eb maqedonase i kan\u00eb 100 prej tyre, do t\u00eb thot\u00eb 83.3%. Rritja e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit t\u00eb tyre, marr\u00eb s\u00eb bashku, \u00ebsht\u00eb 7% e totalit. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe p\u00ebrqindja e zvog\u00eblimit t\u00eb pesh\u00ebs specifike t\u00eb partive shqiptare, marr\u00eb s\u00eb bashku, gjasht\u00eb mandate m\u00eb pak. Por, r\u00ebnia, krahasuar me veten, \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe m\u00eb e madhe, sepse gjasht\u00eb mandatet e humbura jan\u00eb 27% e mandateve q\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb mbanin shqiptar\u00ebt. P\u00ebrse ka ndodhur kjo?<\/p>\n<p>S\u00eb pari duhet t\u00eb shohim se mandatet tek shqiptar\u00ebt i kan\u00eb humbur BDI (9) e PDSH (5), nd\u00ebrsa te maqedonasit rritjen e ka prodhuar LSDM-ja, e cila nuk i ka marr\u00eb vet\u00ebm 9 mandatet, q\u00eb i ka humbur VMRO-ja, por i ka marr\u00eb edhe gjasht\u00eb prej mandateve t\u00eb humbura nga BDI-ja e PDSH-ja. K\u00ebto mandate, po t\u00eb vijonte inercia e logjik\u00ebs elektorale n\u00eb Maqedoni q\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb shkuar\u00ebn ka qen\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht etnike, do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundonin tek partit\u00eb e reja shqiptare, L\u00ebvizja Besa dhe Aleanca p\u00ebr Shqiptar\u00ebt. Mir\u00ebpo, k\u00ebto dy subjekte nuk kan\u00eb arritur t\u2019i marrin t\u00eb gjitha votat e shqiptar\u00ebve q\u00eb kan\u00eb vendosur t\u00eb mos votojn\u00eb m\u00eb p\u00ebr BDI-n\u00eb e PDSH-n\u00eb. Pse? Si u b\u00eb LSDM-ja m\u00eb t\u00ebrheq\u00ebse p\u00ebr shqiptar\u00ebt sesa subjektet e reja shqiptare?<\/p>\n<p>LSDM ka p\u00ebrfituar nga fakti se retorika opozitare n\u00eb Maqedoni, pavar\u00ebsisht etnis\u00eb, vitet e fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrqendruar te figura e Gruevskit dhe rrethi i tij i ngusht\u00eb, duke e portretizuar at\u00eb si epiqend\u00ebr t\u00eb korrupsionit, racizmit, proserbizmit e prorusizmit, si dhe si partizan t\u00eb neoliberalizmit n\u00eb at\u00eb vend. Nd\u00ebrsa k\u00ebto jan\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta, ku m\u00eb shum\u00eb e ku m\u00eb pak, andaj p\u00ebrqendrimi i kritikave n\u00eb nj\u00eb person a n\u00eb nj\u00eb klik\u00eb e pamund\u00ebson kritik\u00ebn strukturore ose ideologjike t\u00eb spektrit politik n\u00eb Maqedoni, problemet e t\u00eb cilit jan\u00eb edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb gjera edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb thella. Sidoqoft\u00eb, ajo kritik\u00eb mund e duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebhet n\u00eb nj\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb tjet\u00ebr. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb shkrim po mjaftohemi t\u00eb themi se nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb jo e vog\u00ebl e votuesve shqiptar\u00eb, 27% e tyre, kan\u00eb menduar se n\u00ebse Gruevski \u00ebsht\u00eb e keqja e madhe p\u00ebr ta, si\u00e7 kan\u00eb theksuar pa u ndalur partit\u00eb e reja shqiptare, at\u00ebher\u00eb opsioni i vet\u00ebm real p\u00ebr ta rr\u00ebzuar at\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb vota p\u00ebr Zaevin. Sepse, LSDM-ja \u00ebsht\u00eb partia e vetme q\u00eb mund ta l\u00ebr\u00eb Gruevskin n\u00eb vend t\u00eb dyt\u00eb, ndryshe nga partit\u00eb e reja (apo t\u00eb vjetra) shqiptare, t\u00eb cilat n\u00eb fakt nuk mund ta synojn\u00eb realisht k\u00ebt\u00eb rezultat elektoral.<\/p>\n<p>Dikush mund t\u00eb argumentoj\u00eb edhe se vota e shqiptar\u00ebve p\u00ebr LSDM-n\u00eb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb sado pak me programin disi m\u00eb socialdemokrat t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj partie. Shqiptar\u00ebt p\u00ebr arsye t\u00eb ditura strukturore e politike jetojn\u00eb n\u00eb zonat m\u00eb t\u00eb varfra t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb, ndaj n\u00eb aspektin klasor jan\u00eb potencialisht n\u00eb nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr programe politike m\u00eb sociale. Ndoshta, p\u00ebr LSDM-n\u00eb kan\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb efekt edhe thirrjet q\u00eb ajo u ka b\u00ebr\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve, duke b\u00ebr\u00eb fushat\u00eb hera-her\u00ebs edhe shqip. Kjo prirje tej-etnike ka filluar q\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhjet presidenciale t\u00eb 2014, ku kandidati nga LSDM, Pendarovski, po ashtu \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekur t\u2019i qasej elektoratit shqiptar n\u00eb shqip.<\/p>\n<p>Megjithat\u00eb, k\u00ebto p\u00ebrgjigje jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm t\u00eb pjesshme. Sigurisht q\u00eb p\u00ebrqendrimi i \u201cs\u00eb keqes\u201d tek Gruevski b\u00ebn t\u00eb mundur nj\u00eb lloj \u201cshp\u00eblarje\u201d t\u00eb imazhit t\u00eb LSDM-s\u00eb, duke harruar faktin se edhe kjo parti e ka nj\u00eb trash\u00ebgimi t\u00eb diskriminimit etnik (kujtoni C\u00ebrvenkovskin dhe njer\u00ebzit p\u00ebrreth tij), nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb, sigurisht se nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb imune as ndaj korrupsionit. Programet sociale t\u00eb LSDM-s\u00eb jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm kozmetike dhe nuk dihet se cila \u00ebsht\u00eb oferta konkrete ekonomike-sociale e LSDM-s\u00eb p\u00ebr shqiptar\u00ebt, nd\u00ebrsa sa i p\u00ebrket ndonj\u00eb fjalimi tek-tuk n\u00eb shqip ose promovimit t\u00eb ndonj\u00eb figure shqiptare n\u00eb nj\u00eb parti kryesisht maqedonase, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb tep\u00ebr simbolike n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend me histori t\u00eb gjat\u00eb e t\u00eb komplikuar problemesh nd\u00ebretnike e diskriminimi.<\/p>\n<p>Ndoshta m\u00eb shum\u00eb se p\u00ebr merit\u00eb t\u00eb LSDM-s\u00eb, gjasht\u00eb mandatet e shqiptar\u00ebve jan\u00eb humbur p\u00ebr faj t\u00eb partive shqiptare. Sigurisht p\u00ebr faj t\u00eb partive t\u00eb vjetra, q\u00eb n\u00eb 14 vitet pas luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Maqedoni nuk kan\u00eb arritur kurr\u00eb t\u2019i p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsojn\u00eb kushtet politike e ekonomike t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve n\u00eb Maqedoni, edhe pse lufta i nxori n\u00eb pozit\u00eb t\u00eb favorshme. Madje, as kushtet modeste t\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruara n\u00eb \u201cMarr\u00ebveshjen e Ohrit\u201d k\u00ebto parti t\u00eb vjetra nuk kan\u00eb arritur t\u2019i garantojn\u00eb. Por, mandatet jan\u00eb humbur edhe p\u00ebr faj t\u00eb partive t\u00eb reja, t\u00eb cilat nuk kan\u00eb arritur t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb p\u00ebrfytyrimin e nj\u00eb subjekti q\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte vendimtar ose, si\u00e7 i thon\u00eb, \u201dking-maker\u201d kur t\u00eb vinte koha p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar qeveri. K\u00ebmb\u00ebngulja e L\u00ebvizjes Besa dhe e Aleanc\u00ebs p\u00ebr Shqiptar\u00ebt q\u00eb t\u00eb mos b\u00ebjn\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje parazgjedhore, mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb ndikuar n\u00eb uljen e pritshm\u00ebrive p\u00ebr disa votues shqiptar\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt m\u00eb pas i jan\u00eb drejtuar vot\u00ebs p\u00ebr LSDM-n\u00eb. Po ashtu p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrmendur \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe mungesa e nj\u00eb programi t\u00eb qart\u00eb social tek k\u00ebto parti shqiptare. K\u00ebmb\u00ebngulja e tyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb \u201csubjekte t\u00eb djathta\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb kontradikt\u00eb t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb me varf\u00ebrin\u00eb ekonomike e problemet sociale t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve n\u00eb Maqedoni.<\/p>\n<p>Megjithat\u00eb, pozita e shqiptar\u00ebve pas k\u00ebtyre zgjedhjeve do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb ishte m\u00eb optimiste n\u00ebse partit\u00eb shqiptare do t\u00eb binin dakord p\u00ebr nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb kushtesh bazike, t\u00eb cilat \u2013 sipas mendimit tim \u2013 duhet t\u00eb nxirren jasht\u00eb pazareve p\u00ebr pushtet dhe jasht\u00eb \u00e7do diskutimi t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb dit\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebrpjekjet e Edi Ram\u00ebs apo t\u00eb Albin Kurtit p\u00ebr t\u00eb ftuar subjektet shqiptare n\u00eb nj\u00eb platform\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt duket se nuk kan\u00eb pasur ende sukses. Megjithat\u00eb, do t\u00eb ishte n\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb, madje edhe t\u00eb vet\u00eb subjekteve politike shqiptare, q\u00eb t\u00eb gjendej dakord\u00ebsi p\u00ebr disa pika, t\u00eb cilat prej aty e tutje nuk do t\u00eb ishin m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorshme p\u00ebr pazare politike.<\/p>\n<p>K\u00ebto pika do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshinin njohjen kushtetuese si gjuh\u00eb e barabart\u00eb dhe e barasvlershme t\u00eb gjuh\u00ebs shqipe (jo t\u00eb komunitetit mbi 20%, si\u00e7 thuhet aktualisht n\u00eb dokumentet ligjore t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb), n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb territorin e saj. Po ashtu, do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshihej tek ato kushte nj\u00eb organizim i ri administrativ-elektoral, q\u00eb nuk i d\u00ebnon shqiptar\u00ebt n\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim politik, por as n\u00eb shp\u00ebrndarje t\u00eb investimeve, buxhetit dhe infrastruktur\u00ebs. Kusht tjet\u00ebr i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm do t\u00eb ishte integrimi kulturor-arsimor i komuniteteve shqiptare t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb me Kosov\u00ebn e Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb, duke nj\u00ebsuar programet e duke rritur interaksionin e politikave t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj sfere. Po ashtu, kusht do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb ishte shqyrtimi transparent, i drejt\u00eb e i pavarur i rasteve gjyq\u00ebsore me ndjeshm\u00ebri t\u00eb lart\u00eb, prej rastit \u201dMonstra\u201d e deri tek rasti \u201dKumanova\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>Nj\u00eb dokument fillestar, ku subjektet shqiptare do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb binin dakord p\u00ebr disa kushte t\u00eb tilla, do t\u2019i b\u00ebnte t\u00eb detyrueshme ato kushte p\u00ebr secil\u00ebn qeveri q\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb krijohej, pavar\u00ebsisht se nga kush. Shqiptar\u00ebt do ta jepnin mb\u00ebshtetjen e tyre p\u00ebr krijimin e asaj qeverie vet\u00ebm pasi t\u00eb miratoheshin k\u00ebto kushte n\u00eb kuvend, pra k\u00ebto kushte do t\u00eb duhet t\u00eb ishin premisa e jo pritshm\u00ebria e asaj qeverie. E m\u00eb pas, pasi t\u00eb arrihej ky rezultat kaq i domosdosh\u00ebm p\u00ebr shqiptar\u00ebt, do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb vazhdonte politika e dit\u00ebs, me akuzat e nd\u00ebrsjella e me mospajtimet e zakonshme mes subjekteve q\u00eb sigurisht do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb ndiqnin agjendat vetjake.<\/p>\n<p>Sepse nuk ka kuptim q\u00eb, edhe pse jan\u00eb t\u00eb domosdosh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb qeverisur, shqiptar\u00ebt t\u00eb vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb kaq haptazi t\u00eb diskriminuar n\u00eb Maqedoni. Sigurisht q\u00eb ka fajtor\u00eb historik\u00eb pse situata \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebshtu, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt nuk i kan\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzuar rastet n\u00eb t\u00eb shkuar\u00ebn, ama n\u00eb t\u00eb tashmen nuk duhet ndalur s\u00eb k\u00ebrkuari shfryt\u00ebzim t\u00eb rasteve q\u00eb paraqiten s\u00ebrish, e jo t\u00eb justifikohet duke th\u00ebn\u00eb se \u201cmeq\u00eb s\u2019e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb shkuar\u00ebn, p\u00ebrse duhet ta b\u00ebjn\u00eb tash?\u201d. P\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb q\u00eb nuk ekziston n\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb ndonj\u00eb ndryshim i subjekteve maqedonase e p\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb q\u00eb elektorati shqiptar do t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb i fraksionuar, nuk mbetet zgjidhje tjet\u00ebr p\u00ebr avancimin e agjend\u00ebs shqiptare n\u00eb Maqedoni, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 nj\u00eb mir\u00ebkuptimi mbipartiak t\u00eb subjekteve shqiptare.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Ndoshta m\u00eb shum\u00eb se p\u00ebr merit\u00eb t\u00eb LSDM-s\u00eb, gjasht\u00eb mandatet e shqiptar\u00ebve jan\u00eb humbur p\u00ebr faj t\u00eb partive shqiptare. Sigurisht p\u00ebr faj t\u00eb partive t\u00eb vjetra, q\u00eb n\u00eb 14 vitet&#8230;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":17446,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-17445","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinionanaliza"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/17445"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=17445"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/17445\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":17448,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/17445\/revisions\/17448"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/17446"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=17445"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=17445"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=17445"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}