{"id":18226,"date":"2017-02-12T10:41:13","date_gmt":"2017-02-12T09:41:13","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/shekulliagency.com\/?p=18226"},"modified":"2017-02-12T13:46:50","modified_gmt":"2017-02-12T12:46:50","slug":"shba-ne-kerkim-te-vetvetes","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/?p=18226","title":{"rendered":"SHBA n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim t\u00eb vetvetes"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"<\/a>Sapo p\u00ebrfundoi fjalimi inaugural i Trumpit, n\u00eb televizionin \u201cFrance 24\u201d d\u00ebgjova komentin e nj\u00eb analisteje: \u201cTrumpi tha me z\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb e t\u00eb fort\u00eb po ato q\u00eb Obama i ka th\u00ebn\u00eb me z\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt e m\u00eb t\u00eb but\u00eb\u201d. Me t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb deri tani duket se n\u00eb \u201csfid\u00ebn Trump\u201d paralajm\u00ebrohet m\u00eb shum\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsi se novacion politik. Ndyshimet jan\u00eb retorike.<\/i><\/p>\n

Shkruan: Abdi BALETA<\/strong><\/p>\n

K\u00ebt\u00eb e tregojn\u00eb tri zgjedhjet e fundit presidenciale n\u00eb SHBA (Obama n\u00eb vitet 2008 dhe 2012 dhe Donald Trump m\u00eb 2016). Deri n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb koh\u00eb trajektorja e fuqis\u00eb amerikane n\u00eb bot\u00eb kishte sh\u00ebnuar vet\u00ebm ngjitje, sidomos nga mbarimi i Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore (LDB) dhe i Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb, kur SHBA-ja u b\u00eb e vetmja superfuqi n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb nj\u00ebpolare. Por, \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00ebsim i historis\u00eb se n\u00eb kulmin e fuqizimit e t\u00eb shk\u00eblqimit fillojn\u00eb t\u00eb dallohen edhe njollat e e para t\u00eb g\u00ebrvishturat, edhe n\u00eb rastin e nj\u00eb shteti si SHBA. K\u00ebto t\u00eb g\u00ebrvishtura u shfaq\u00ebn n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e presidentit Xhorxh Bush i Biri, kur nd\u00ebrhyrja ushtarake amerikane mori p\u00ebrmasa alarmante p\u00ebr bot\u00ebn dhe p\u00ebr vet\u00eb SHBA. U b\u00eb e nevojshme t\u00eb k\u00ebrkoheshin imazhe t\u00eb reja p\u00ebr madh\u00ebshtin\u00eb e k\u00ebtij shteti. N\u00eb zgjedhjet e vitit 2008 u duk qart\u00eb se forcat n\u00eb prapasken\u00eb, q\u00eb marrin vendimet e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, u vun\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim t\u00eb nj\u00eb imazhi t\u00eb ri p\u00ebr SHBA-n\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00eb. P\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb u shtrua problemi i prishjes s\u00eb tradit\u00ebs p\u00ebr zgjedhjen e kreut t\u00eb shtetit midis burrave m\u00eb t\u00eb njohur t\u00eb vendit, p\u00ebr t\u00eb sjell\u00eb si president nj\u00eb grua ose nj\u00eb qytetar amerikan me ngjyr\u00eb. T\u00eb dyja kandidaturat u p\u00ebrzgjodh\u00ebn nga radh\u00ebt e Partis\u00eb Demokrate, s\u00eb cil\u00ebs i takonte tashm\u00eb t\u00eb vinte n\u00eb pushtet pas 8 vitesh qeverisjeje nga Partia Republikane q\u00eb kishte hyr\u00eb n\u00eb kriz\u00eb. Nderi p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb presidenti i SHBA-s\u00eb iu rezervua Barak Obam\u00ebs, zgjedhja e t\u00eb cilit u shoq\u00ebrua me nj\u00eb \u201cObamamani\u201d n\u00eb SHBA e n\u00eb bot\u00eb, e cila u zbeh shpejt pa sjell\u00eb rezultatet e pritura n\u00eb Amerik\u00eb, sidomos gjat\u00eb mandatit t\u00eb dyt\u00eb t\u00eb tij. SHBA-ja duhej t\u00eb vihej s\u00ebrish n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim t\u00eb vetvetes n\u00eb zgjedhjet e 2016.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb 20 Janar 2017 p\u00ebr disa or\u00eb u gozhduam para ekraneve televizive p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndjekur ceremonit\u00eb e marrjes zyrtarisht t\u00eb pushtetit presidencial nga Donald Trump. Ishte paralajm\u00ebruar se ceremonit\u00eb do t\u00eb ishin m\u00eb t\u00eb shkurtra se zakonisht, por ishin nj\u00ebsoj madh\u00ebshtore si t\u00eb m\u00ebparshmet, madje edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb kushtueshme. Protokolli e dekori ceremonial ishin n\u00eb lart\u00ebsin\u00eb e duhur. Fjalimi populist i Trumpit tregoi se retorika e tij politike ishte m\u00eb e stilizuar, por po aq e fort\u00eb sa gjat\u00eb fushat\u00ebs zgjedhore, e cila i rikonfirmonte mesazhet dhe deklaratat trondit\u00ebse q\u00eb kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb n\u00eb betejat p\u00ebr Sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Bardh\u00eb. Presidenti synonte t\u00eb vinte themelin e asaj q\u00eb tashm\u00eb ka filluar t\u00eb quhet \u201cdoktrina Trump\u201d, doktrina e krijimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb imazhi e roli t\u00eb ri p\u00ebr SHBA-n\u00eb, sipas motos \u201cAmerika para s\u00eb gjithash\u201d. Qysh m\u00eb 20 Janar 2017 nis\u00ebn hamend\u00ebsimet e gjithfar\u00ebshme se \u00e7far\u00eb do t\u00eb sh\u00ebnoj\u00eb kjo dit\u00eb n\u00eb zhvillimet e ngjarjeve brenda n\u00eb SHBA e n\u00eb bot\u00eb. A do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr Amerik\u00eb?! A do t\u00eb jet\u00eb bota ndryshe? A do t\u00eb sjell\u00eb fitorja e Trumpit nj\u00eb gjall\u00ebrim t\u00eb forcave politike konsevatore dhe n\u00eb vendet me demokraci liberale, si\u00e7 shpreson Mari Le Pen n\u00eb Franc\u00eb?! A do t\u00eb nxis\u00eb kjo fitore lindjen e pushteteve autoritariste sipas \u201ct\u00eb mod\u00ebs e modelit Putin\u201d n\u00eb Europ\u00eb e jasht\u00eb saj?! Pik\u00ebpyetje si k\u00ebto e t\u00eb tjera nuk mund t\u00eb marrin p\u00ebrgjigje shpejt e leht\u00eb. Tani p\u00ebr tani duhet t\u00eb v\u00ebrejm\u00eb se \u201cEuforia Trump\u201d nuk e ka forc\u00ebn t\u00ebrheq\u00ebse q\u00eb pati \u201cObamamania\u201d e vitit 2008. P\u00ebrkundrazi, po zgjerohet l\u00ebvizja e pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe e protestave p\u00ebr fitoren e Trumpit.<\/p>\n

\u201cSfida amerikane\u201d ka qen\u00eb titulli i nj\u00eb libri t\u00eb botuar n\u00eb Franc\u00eb para af\u00ebr nj\u00eb gjysm\u00eb shekulli dhe q\u00eb pat b\u00ebr\u00eb jehon\u00eb (Jean-Jacques Servan-Schreiber, \u201cLe defi americain\u201d, Paris 1969). Fjalimi q\u00eb mbajti Donald Trump pas b\u00ebrjes s\u00eb betimit si presidenti i 45-t\u00eb i SHBA ting\u00eblloi si nj\u00eb \u201csfid\u00eb e re amerikane\u201d p\u00ebr bot\u00ebn dhe p\u00ebr vet\u00eb SHBA-n\u00eb, p\u00ebr politikat e deritanishme amerikane brenda e jasht\u00eb vendit. E ve\u00e7anta e par\u00eb dhe kryesore e k\u00ebsaj sfide ishte theksimi me forc\u00eb nga Donald Trump i ides\u00eb se nuk po b\u00ebhej fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrrim rutinor t\u00eb pushtetit, por p\u00ebr kalimin e pushtetit nga institucionet n\u00eb Uashington, n\u00eb duart e popullit t\u00eb shp\u00ebrfillur amerikan. Pra, \u201csfida Trump\u201d u p\u00ebrurua me nj\u00eb akuz\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00eb p\u00ebr vet\u00eb demokracin\u00eb amerikane, t\u00eb shenjt\u00ebruar si m\u00eb e p\u00ebrsosura n\u00eb bot\u00eb. \u201cSfida Trump\u201d befasoi me aludime t\u00eb hapura se n\u00eb vend po ndodhte nj\u00eb p\u00ebrmbysje revolucionare shoq\u00ebrore e politike. K\u00ebt\u00eb populiz\u00ebm presidencial Trump e shpalosi qortuesh\u00ebm n\u00eb prani t\u00eb kat\u00ebr paraardh\u00ebsve t\u00eb tij n\u00eb postin e presidentit dhe para rivales s\u00eb tij Hillari Klinton (demokrate), dy her\u00eb garuese e pafat p\u00ebr t\u00eb z\u00ebn\u00eb karrigen presidenciale. Donald Trump po premtonte t\u00eb sh\u00ebronte l\u00ebngat\u00ebn e gjat\u00eb t\u00eb SHBA-s\u00eb, q\u00eb e kishte trash\u00ebguar prej tyre, t\u00eb rind\u00ebrtonte nj\u00eb Amerik\u00eb t\u00eb re n\u00eb vend t\u00eb asaj t\u00eb vjetruar, t\u00eb rraskapitur e t\u00eb zhg\u00ebnjyer. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, n\u00eb rrug\u00ebt e Uashingtonit vlonte nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr populiz\u00ebm masiv militant. T\u00eb pak\u00ebnaqurit nga fitorja e Trumpit i thyenin vitrinat e p\u00ebrlesheshin me policin\u00eb. Amerika po vet\u00ebsfidohej n\u00eb dy kahje t\u00eb kund\u00ebrta.<\/p>\n

\u201cBefasia\u201d e fitores dhe \u201csfida Trump\u201d ishin t\u00eb paralajm\u00ebruara. Ngjarjet e m\u00ebdha n\u00eb histori dhe kthesat e forta ose ndryshimet e bujshme n\u00eb politik\u00eb nuk ndodhin kurr\u00eb papritmas dhe nuk vijn\u00eb krejt befasisht. Jo rrall\u00eb botimi i nj\u00eb ose disa librave nga specialist\u00eb t\u00eb ditur ose politikan\u00eb me temperament t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm ka qen\u00eb i mjaftuesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb nxitur dyshimin se di\u00e7ka e re e me shum\u00eb rrjedhoja po afrohej. Libri m\u00eb i suksessh\u00ebm paralajm\u00ebrues i koh\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit m\u00eb duket ai i studiuesit britanik, Roger Bootle, \u201cThe Trouble with Europe<\/em>\u201d (Ngat\u00ebrresat me Europ\u00ebn, 2014), q\u00eb faktikisht predikoi e profetizoi at\u00eb q\u00eb do t\u00eb ndodhte n\u00eb ver\u00ebn e vitit 2016, \u201cBreksit-in\u201d, daljen e Britanis\u00eb s\u00eb Madhe nga Bashkimi Europian. Kjo dalje duhej kuptuar si shenja m\u00eb e sigurt paralajm\u00ebruese se n\u00eb SHBA faktor\u00ebt politik\u00eb vendimmarr\u00ebs po p\u00ebrgatisnin ardhjen n\u00eb pushtet t\u00eb Donald Trumpit, si njeriu q\u00eb do t\u2019i ristrukturonte edhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet SHBA \u2013 Europ\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb sh\u00ebnuar nj\u00eb vij\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb dalluese midis atlantizmit anglo-amerikan nga euroatlantizmi kontinental. Shenja p\u00ebr ardhjen e Trumpit n\u00eb krye t\u00eb politik\u00ebs amerikane kan\u00eb qen\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb hershme. Filmat vizatimor\u00eb e filmat-reklam\u00eb p\u00ebr biznesmenin e suksessh\u00ebm e me stil t\u00eb vrullsh\u00ebm, Donald Trump, ishte pjes\u00eb e strategjis\u00eb tashm\u00eb t\u00eb njohur gjer\u00ebsisht t\u00eb formatimit mediatik t\u00eb liderit t\u00eb ardhsh\u00ebm. Nuk mund t\u00eb gjykojm\u00eb se sa Hillari Klinton i ka v\u00ebn\u00eb re shenjat se kandidatura e saj do t\u00eb ngecte pa arritur cakun, edhe pse parashikimet ishin se do t\u00eb fitonte. Adhuruesit e Klintonit nuk mbajt\u00ebn parasysh se forcat me pesh\u00eb n\u00eb sken\u00ebn amerikane mund t\u00eb reagonin negativisht ndaj k\u00ebmb\u00ebnguljes p\u00ebr nj\u00eb vijim\u00ebsi partiake demokrate n\u00eb Sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Bardh\u00eb p\u00ebr 12 vjet me radh\u00eb, ndaj praktik\u00ebs s\u00eb konfigurimit t\u00eb dinastive presidenciale n\u00eb SHBA.<\/p>\n

\u201cSfida Trump\u201d ishte paralajm\u00ebruar n\u00eb mjaft botime amerikane t\u00eb viteve t\u00eb fundit, q\u00eb shpjegojn\u00eb gati pik\u00eb p\u00ebr pik\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat dukuri amerikane e bot\u00ebrore q\u00eb prekeshin nga presidenti i ri amerikan. K\u00ebtu po ve\u00e7oj s\u00eb pari librin e Richard N. Haass \u201cForeign Policy Begins at Home<\/em>. The Case for Putting America\u2019s House in Order<\/em>\u201d (Politika e jashtme nis nga sht\u00ebpia. Rasti p\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb rregull n\u00eb sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Amerik\u00ebs, 2013). N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb lib\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb shtjelluar m\u00eb gjer\u00ebsisht tri vite m\u00eb her\u00ebt gjith\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtja e fjalimit inaugural t\u00eb presidentit Trump dhe \u201cdoktrina Trump\u201d, q\u00eb po merr form\u00eb tani. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tradit\u00eb e hershme n\u00eb jet\u00ebn politike amerikane, q\u00eb me emrin e nj\u00eb presidenti t\u00eb lidhet nj\u00eb doktrin\u00eb e caktuar: \u201cDoktrina Xheferson\u201d e izolacionizmit amerikan (koha e luft\u00ebrave napoleonike); \u201cDoktrina Monro\u201d (1803) p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbajtur larg europian\u00ebt nga pun\u00ebt e kontinentit amerikan dhe \u201cDoktrina Teodor Ruzvelt\u201d dhe \u201cDoktrina U. Uillson\u201d p\u00ebr daljen e SHBA-s\u00eb nga izolacionizmi si \u201cmbajt\u00ebse e baraspesh\u00ebs n\u00eb bot\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n

Pas LDB-s\u00eb dhe Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb ep\u00ebrsin\u00eb amerikane n\u00eb bot\u00eb doktrinat e disa president\u00ebve e kan\u00eb motivuar me mbrojtjen t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut e t\u00eb bot\u00ebs s\u00eb lir\u00eb nga rreziku sovjetik dhe totalitarizmi komunist. Pastaj dol\u00ebn \u201cdoktrinat Bush \u2013 i Ati dhe i Biri\u201d p\u00ebr \u201crendin e ri bot\u00ebror\u201d dhe \u201cmbrojtjen e vlerave t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb per\u00ebndimore nga fundamentalizmi e terrorizmi islamik\u201d.<\/p>\n

Ri\u00e7ard Haass n\u00eb librin e tij ka argumentuar domosdoshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e reformave t\u00eb brendshme n\u00eb Amerik\u00eb. Ai e ka v\u00ebn\u00eb vet\u00eb n\u00eb dukje se ky lib\u00ebr \u201cshkon deri n\u00eb kufijt\u00eb e herezis\u00eb nga nj\u00eb njeri q\u00eb p\u00ebr af\u00ebr kat\u00ebr dekada ka luajtur fort me kart\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme\u201d. Haass librin e ka nisur me nj\u00eb fjali v\u00ebrtet\u00eb \u201cheretike\u201d: \u201cK\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi m\u00eb i madh ndaj siguris\u00eb dhe begatis\u00eb s\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs nuk vjen nga jasht\u00eb, por nga brenda vendit\u201d. Mir\u00ebpo, kjo ide ishte strumbullari i fjalimit inaugural t\u00eb Donald Trumpit. Ri\u00e7ard Haass, pasi ka v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb dukje problemet e v\u00ebshtira me t\u00eb cilat \u00ebsht\u00eb ndeshur Amerika gjat\u00eb luft\u00ebrave n\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb bot\u00ebs, ka theksuar: \u201cPor, gjendjen e b\u00ebjn\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht shqet\u00ebsuese nj\u00eb num\u00ebr zhvillimesh brenda vendit, si rritja e shpejt\u00eb e deficitit e borxhit shtet\u00ebror, rr\u00ebnimi i infrastruktur\u00ebs, shkollat pa cil\u00ebsi, nj\u00eb sistem imigrimi i vjetruar dhe gjasat p\u00ebr rritje t\u00eb ul\u00ebt ekonomike p\u00ebr nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb kohore. Shum\u00eb nga themelet e fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb k\u00ebtij vendi po g\u00ebrryhen\u2026 d\u00ebshtimet e mang\u00ebsit\u00eb brenda vendit drejtp\u00ebrs\u00ebdrejti d\u00ebmtojn\u00eb aft\u00ebsin\u00eb e Amerik\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb treguar fuqi dhe ushtruar ndikim n\u00eb bot\u00eb dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb shembull q\u00eb do t\u00eb ndikoj\u00eb n\u00eb mendimin e sjelljen e t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve\u201d. T\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto t\u00eb k\u00ebqija i vuri n\u00eb dukje presidenti Trump, kur betohej p\u00ebr t\u2019i ndryshuar krejt faqen Amerik\u00ebs, p\u00ebr t\u00eb ringritur infrastruktur\u00ebn, p\u00ebr t\u00eb riatdhesuar uzinat e investimet amerikane, q\u00eb kan\u00eb fluturuar jasht\u00eb vendi; kur k\u00ebshillonte amerikan\u00ebt t\u00eb blejn\u00eb mallrat amerikane dhe n\u00eb Amerik\u00eb t\u00eb pun\u00ebsojn\u00eb n\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb amerikan\u00eb, \u201cp\u00ebr ta b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebshtu Amerik\u00ebn madh\u00ebshtore p\u00ebrs\u00ebri\u201d. Kjo gjuh\u00eb e Trumpit ngjan shum\u00eb me at\u00eb t\u00eb Putinit p\u00ebr t\u00eb rivendosur madh\u00ebshtin\u00eb e autoritetin e Rusis\u00eb. Edhe Trump po e trumbeton shum\u00eb nocionin e \u201cpatriotizmit amerikan\u201d. Para tij Haass ka theksuar se: \u201cNacionalizmi mbetet gjithashtu shum\u00eb i fort\u00eb n\u00eb SHBA\u201d.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb nj\u00eb leksion t\u00eb titulluar \u201cPerandoria e fundit\u201d, mbajtur n\u00eb n\u00ebntor 1997, shkrimtari amerikan (majtist) Gor Vidal theksonte: \u201cVjen nj\u00eb \u00e7ast kur perandorit\u00eb pushojn\u00eb s\u00eb vepruari me energji dhe b\u00ebhen simbolike ose ekzistenciale, si jemi qen\u00eb m\u00ebsuar t\u00eb themi n\u00eb vitet 1949\u201d (Gor Vidal, The Last Empire<\/em>, 2001, f. 185). K\u00ebtyre kambanave t\u00eb alarmit u kan\u00eb r\u00ebn\u00eb, me d\u00ebshir\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb ose t\u00eb keqe, edhe shkrues t\u00eb tjer\u00eb: Nancy Soderberg \u201cThe Superpower Myth. The Use and Misuse of American Might<\/em>\u201d, 2005 (me parath\u00ebnie nga Bill Klinton); Wolden Bello \u201cDilemas of Domination<\/em>. The Unmaking of the American Empire<\/em>\u201d (2005), George Soros \u201cThe<\/em> Bubble of American Supremacy<\/em>\u201d (Flluska e ep\u00ebrsis\u00eb amerikane), 2004 etj. Por, \u00ebsht\u00eb s\u00ebrish Ri\u00e7ard Haass q\u00eb v\u00eb gishtin si duhet n\u00eb plag\u00eb: \u201cIzolacionizmi nuk ka absolutisht m\u00eb kuptim n\u00eb shekullin XXI, por Amerika ka nevoj\u00eb ta rimendoj\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb arrij\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00eb. Amerika duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb dallimin midis t\u00eb d\u00ebshirueshmes dhe jetikes, si dhe midis asaj q\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet dhe asaj q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e pamundur\u201d. Trumpi la p\u00ebrshtypjen se do ta soj\u00eb edhe t\u00eb pamundur\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

Trumpi nuk tha shprehimisht se kur Amerika ka qen\u00eb aq madh\u00ebshtore sa ka nd\u00ebrmend ta b\u00ebj\u00eb ai. Por, libri i Servan Shraiber \u201cLe defi americain<\/em>\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb shkruar p\u00ebr t\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb alarmin p\u00ebr rrezikun e sundimit t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs nga Amerika, e cila ishte n\u00eb kulmin e fuqis\u00eb. Ai u b\u00ebnte thirrje europian\u00ebve t\u00eb gjenin p\u00ebrgjigje p\u00ebr pyetjet: \u201cKu \u00ebsht\u00eb industria europiane, ku \u00ebsht\u00eb kultura europiane? Po t\u00eb mos mendojm\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebto, ato s\u00eb shpejti nuk do t\u00eb ekzistojn\u00eb m\u00eb\u201d. Kaq e tmerrshme shihej at\u00ebher\u00eb \u201csfida amerikane\u201d p\u00ebr rim\u00ebk\u00ebmbjen e Europ\u00ebs per\u00ebndimore. Nd\u00ebrkaq Trump \u201csfid\u00ebn e re amerikane\u201d e b\u00ebn duke i qortuar r\u00ebnd\u00eb ata q\u00eb vet\u00ebm kan\u00eb p\u00ebrfituar nga ndihmat bujare amerikane p\u00ebr zhvillimin ekonomik t\u00eb tyre dhe p\u00ebr mbrojtjen e kufijve t\u00eb tyre, pra n\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb aleat\u00ebt europian\u00eb, an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e NATO-s dhe Japonin\u00eb. K\u00ebtyre Trumpi po u thot\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb koha t\u2019ia kthejn\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs \u201cborxhet q\u00eb ia kan\u00eb\u201d. Edhe Haass e kishte qortuar Europ\u00ebn dhe Kin\u00ebn p\u00ebr v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsit\u00eb ekonomiko-financiare q\u00eb i krijonte SHBA-ja. Edhe Robert Kagan kishte shkruar se: \u201c\u00cbsht\u00eb koha q\u00eb t\u00eb mos pretendojm\u00eb m\u00eb se Europa dhe Amerika kan\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje t\u00eb nj\u00ebjta mbi bot\u00ebn\u201d (Paradise and Power<\/em>, 2003).<\/p>\n

Frik\u00ebn dhe urrejtjen ndaj \u201csfid\u00ebs amerikane\u201d pas LDB-s\u00eb e kishte shprehur edhe pjesa komuniste e Europ\u00ebs. Nikita Hrushovi i thoshte t\u00eb d\u00ebrguarit t\u00eb presidentit Kenedi: \u201cNe rus\u00ebt kemi p\u00ebrballuar tri luft\u00ebra n\u00eb gjysm\u00ebn e par\u00eb t\u00eb shekullit (XX). Juve amerikan\u00ebve kurr\u00eb nuk u \u00ebsht\u00eb dashur t\u00eb b\u00ebni luft\u00eb n\u00eb truallin tuaj gjat\u00eb 50 viteve t\u00eb fundit. Ju keni d\u00ebrguar trupa n\u00eb Europ\u00eb gjat\u00eb dy luft\u00ebrave t\u00eb fundit bot\u00ebrore dhe nga kjo keni p\u00ebrfituar p\u00ebr t\u2019u pasuruar. Amerika ka derdhur vet\u00ebm disa pika gjaku t\u00eb saj duke fituar miliarda dollar\u00eb, duke lar\u00eb n\u00eb gjak pjes\u00eb t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb bot\u00ebs\u201d (Pierre Salinger \u201cDe memoire<\/em>\u201d, 1995, f. 255). Vitet e fundit, sidomos pas ngjarjeve n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb dhe vendosjes s\u00eb embargos amerikane kund\u00ebr Rusis\u00eb, Putini e Moska kan\u00eb qen\u00eb tejet t\u00eb zem\u00ebruar me Obam\u00ebn e Uashingtonin dhe shpresojn\u00eb se Trumpi do t\u00eb ndjek\u00eb politik\u00eb tjet\u00ebr ndaj tyre. Tani p\u00ebr tani ka vet\u00ebm spekulime, por gjasat jan\u00eb q\u00eb klima e acart\u00eb amerikano-ruse t\u00eb zbutet me disa grad\u00eb. K\u00ebt\u00eb synim e ka dhe deklarata e Trumpit se NATO tashm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb vjetruar, ndon\u00ebse mbetet e dobishme. \u00cbsht\u00eb oferta e par\u00eb amerikane q\u00eb rus\u00ebt t\u00eb fillojn\u00eb t\u00eb qet\u00ebsohen rreth nj\u00eb problemi prej t\u00eb cilit e ndjenin veten t\u00eb tradhtuar e t\u00eb rrezikuar \u2013 zgjerimit t\u00eb NATO-s drejt Lindjes. Gor Vidal kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb kritika t\u00eb forta p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb zgjerim. Trumpi mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb duke menduar seriozisht si t\u00eb riparoj\u00eb nj\u00eb gjendje q\u00eb i nervozon rus\u00ebt. Deklarata e Trumpit lidhur me NATO-n, ndikimin e par\u00eb konkret mund ta ushtroj\u00eb n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb, n\u00eb Kaukaz dhe, sidomos, n\u00eb Ballkan. Hapet rruga p\u00ebr t\u2019i dh\u00ebn\u00eb Rusis\u00eb garanci p\u00ebr mosp\u00ebrfshirjen e Serbis\u00eb, Malit t\u00eb Zi, Bosnj\u00eb-Hercegovin\u00ebs dhe Maqedonis\u00eb n\u00eb strukturat e NATO-s. Pra, i quajturi Ballkan Per\u00ebndimor (p\u00ebrjashto Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb), edhe pse nj\u00eb dit\u00eb mund ta shoh\u00eb veten i p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb BE, mbetet jasht\u00eb NATO-s, tamam si\u00e7 pretendon Serbia sot. Shqip\u00ebria e Kosova p\u00ebrs\u00ebri jan\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201crast sui generis\u201d. Kjo ndjell frik\u00eb derisa politika e Trump-it n\u00eb Ballkan t\u00eb qart\u00ebsohet p\u00ebrfundimisht.<\/p>\n

Zbutja me Rusin\u00eb i duhet Amerik\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb penguar nj\u00eb afrim t\u00eb m\u00ebtejsh\u00ebm Rusi-Kin\u00eb. Ka koh\u00eb q\u00eb v\u00ebzhguesit amerikan\u00eb theksoj\u00eb se p\u00ebr SHBA-n\u00eb problem m\u00eb shqet\u00ebsues \u00ebsht\u00eb Kina dhe se qendra e v\u00ebmendjes dhe shqet\u00ebsimit e politik\u00ebs amerikane \u00ebsht\u00eb zhvendosur n\u00eb Oqeanin Paq\u00ebsor.<\/p>\n

Problemet e mprehta e krizat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare Trump praktikisht i kap\u00ebrceu me heshtje. U ndal posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht e shprehimsisht vet\u00ebm n\u00eb p\u00ebrbetimin se do ta \u00e7rr\u00ebnjos\u00eb nga faqja e dheut terrorizmin radikal islamik\u201d, si armiku i vet\u00ebm i Amerik\u00ebs, si\u00e7 kishin b\u00ebr\u00eb edhe Obama e Xhorxh Bushi para tij p\u00ebr 16 vite. Politika e jashtme e administrat\u00ebs s\u00eb Trumpit mbetet ende e mb\u00ebshtjell\u00eb me mjegull t\u00eb dendur. Vali Nasr (ish-bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtor i ngusht\u00eb i Hillari Klintonit dhe Ri\u00e7ard Hollbrukut n\u00eb Departamnetin e Shtetit) n\u00eb librin e tij \u201cDispensable Nation. American Poreign Policy in Retreat<\/em>\u201d (2013) ka argumentuar se: \u201cPasi filloi detyr\u00ebn n\u00eb vitin 2009, administrata e Obam\u00ebs pati rastin e mir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019i b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb riformatim rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsor politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme amerikane. Por, nga frika e nj\u00eb goditjeje politike prapavepruese dhe e spektrit t\u00eb terrorizmit, e udh\u00ebhoqi politik\u00ebn e jashtme sipas t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtave strategji si paraardh\u00ebsit e tij. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb rreziqet ekonomike t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb amerikane, Rusia dhe Kina, qet\u00ebsisht e shtrinin ndikimin e tyre n\u00eb vende ku Amerika p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb kishte prir\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n

Sapo p\u00ebrfundoi fjalimi inaugural i Trumpit, n\u00eb televizionin \u201cFrance 24\u201d d\u00ebgjova komentin e nj\u00eb analisteje: \u201cTrumpi tha me z\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb e t\u00eb fort\u00eb po ato q\u00eb Obama i ka th\u00ebn\u00eb me z\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt e m\u00eb t\u00eb but\u00eb\u201d. Me t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb deri tani duket se n\u00eb \u201csfid\u00ebn Trump\u201d paralajm\u00ebrohet m\u00eb shum\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsi se novacion politik. Ndyshimet jan\u00eb retorike. Trumpi nuk ka p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb SHBA tjet\u00ebr, as nj\u00eb bot\u00eb ndryshe. Ligj\u00ebsit\u00eb e faktor\u00ebt objektiv\u00eb i p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb gjeopolitikat e gjeostrategjit\u00eb e \u00e7do vendi e n\u00eb shkall\u00eb globale. N\u00eb SHBA do t\u00eb ndodhin ndryshime, por jo p\u00ebrmbysje. Kur e ka trajtuar tem\u00ebn \u201cAmerican Primacy<\/em>\u201d (Amerika n\u00eb krye) Ri\u00e7ard Haass \u00ebsht\u00eb shprehur: \u201cMundet t\u00eb m\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruajn\u00eb si disfatist, si nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr apostull i r\u00ebnies s\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs, por le t\u00eb jem i qart\u00eb \u2013 besoj se SHBA-ja zot\u00ebron fuqi e potencial t\u00eb madh\u2026 SHBA-ja nuk dominon m\u00eb si dikur, por mbetet forca m\u00eb e madhe ndikuese n\u00eb bot\u00eb, do t\u00eb jet\u00eb qendra m\u00eb e fuqishme drejtuese n\u00eb pun\u00ebt bot\u00ebrore (t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn deri n\u00eb gjysm\u00ebn e shekullit XXI). Trumpi e d\u00ebshmoi se prania amerikane n\u00eb bot\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb zvog\u00eblohet, ekspansionizmi dhe intervencionizmi amerikan nuk do t\u00eb nd\u00ebrpriten. \u201cObamamania\u201d e para 8 viteve ngjalli m\u00eb shum\u00eb iluzione. Tani \u201cEuforia Trump\u201d po ndjell m\u00eb shum\u00eb frik\u00eb. Marr\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, Amerika e bota edhe gjat\u00eb 4 ose ndoshta 8 viteve t\u00eb presidenc\u00ebs s\u00eb Trumpit do t\u00eb jen\u00eb si\u00e7 kan\u00eb qen\u00eb.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Sapo p\u00ebrfundoi fjalimi inaugural i Trumpit, n\u00eb televizionin \u201cFrance 24\u201d d\u00ebgjova komentin e nj\u00eb analisteje: \u201cTrumpi tha me z\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb e t\u00eb fort\u00eb po ato q\u00eb Obama i ka…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":272,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-18226","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinionanaliza"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/18226"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=18226"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/18226\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":18227,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/18226\/revisions\/18227"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/272"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=18226"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=18226"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=18226"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}