{"id":20178,"date":"2017-05-03T09:12:14","date_gmt":"2017-05-03T07:12:14","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/shekulliagency.com\/?p=20178"},"modified":"2017-05-03T09:12:50","modified_gmt":"2017-05-03T07:12:50","slug":"populizmi-perjashtues-karshi-qeverisjes-perfshirese-globale","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/?p=20178","title":{"rendered":"Populizmi p\u00ebrjashtues karshi qeverisjes p\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse globale"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"<\/a>Shkruan: Ahmet DAVUTO\u011eLU, Turqi \u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Fundi i sistemit t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb premtoi t\u2019i hap\u00eb udh\u00eb nj\u00eb rendi t\u00eb ri global. Por, kjo nuk ngjau. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, bota \u00ebsht\u00eb mb\u00ebrthyer nga shum\u00eb kriza monumentale, pika kthese e ngjarje transformuese, pa nxjerr\u00eb m\u00ebsimet e duhura prej tyre, duke rezultuar me formula kund\u00ebrvepruese dhe hipotetike, q\u00eb i kan\u00eb r\u00ebnduar problemet. Sistemi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar ka akumuluar, p\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb, nj\u00eb shumic\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjesh, problemesh e krizash, \u00e7donj\u00ebra e mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb mbetjet e krizave t\u00eb m\u00ebhershme t\u00eb pazgjidhura ose t\u00eb ngrira. Prandaj, kur ne flasim mbi krizat aktuale, duhet t\u00eb ruhemi nga rreziqet e hipotetizmit, k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimit afatshkurt\u00ebr dhe partikularizmit n\u00eb analizimin e tyre. Fatkeq\u00ebsisht, derisa reagimet dhe p\u00ebrgjigjet ndaj cikleve t\u00eb tanishme t\u00eb zgjedhjeve n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim, q\u00eb bujarisht i shp\u00ebrblyen grupet populiste, ksenofobike dhe neonacionaliste, kan\u00eb \u00e7uar n\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb vetanalize t\u00eb brendshme, midis klas\u00ebs politike dhe intelektuale, si edhe qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuar n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim dhe gjetk\u00eb, pak kan\u00eb treguar gatishm\u00ebrin\u00eb p\u00ebr ta hulumtuar shkakun rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsor t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj tendence, duke e vendosur at\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb kontekst historik. Zhvillimet e fundit nuk po ngjasin n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb evolucionare, dhe, si\u00e7 kam sugjeruar diku tjet\u00ebr, ne mund t\u2019u p\u00ebrgjigjemi m\u00eb s\u00eb miri cikleve aktuale t\u00eb ndryshimit n\u00ebse e kuptojm\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsin\u00eb e t\u00ebrmeteve q\u00eb po i japin trajt\u00eb bot\u00ebs son\u00eb.<\/p>\n

T\u00ebrmete n\u00eb politik\u00ebn bot\u00ebrore<\/strong><\/p>\n

Sistemi global u trondit s\u00eb pari nga nj\u00eb t\u00ebrmet gjeopolitik pas fundit t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb. Harta e Euroazis\u00eb u riskicua gjat\u00eb k\u00ebsaj periudhe, gjeopolitika e Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb mori fund dhe lind\u00ebn shtete t\u00eb reja. Me shembjen e struktur\u00ebs politike autoritare t\u00eb bllokut komunist, nj\u00eb val\u00eb e re demokratizimi u shqua n\u00eb Europ\u00ebn Lindore dhe Qendrore, si edhe n\u00eb iniciativat e reja rajonale, t\u00eb tilla si Bashkimi Europian. M\u00eb pas, mbi nj\u00eb dekad\u00eb m\u00eb von\u00eb, sistemi global qe d\u00ebshmitar i nj\u00eb t\u00ebrmeti sigurie me 11 shtatorin e 2001-shit. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb vlera t\u00eb tilla si liria dhe demokracia ishin n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb t\u00ebrmetit gjeopolitik, korniza baz\u00eb konceptuale pas 11 shtatorit \u00ebsht\u00eb sjell\u00eb rreth \u00e7\u00ebshtjes s\u00eb siguris\u00eb, duke krijuar nj\u00eb atmosfer\u00eb ankthi, mosbesimi dhe armiq\u00ebsie n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. T\u00ebrmeti i tret\u00eb i madh, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb ndjer\u00eb edhe m\u00eb thell\u00eb, goditi sistemet financiare, fillimisht n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara n\u00eb 2008-t\u00ebn, pasuar nga kriza e euros n\u00eb 2010-t\u00ebn dhe nga nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb e shtrir\u00eb globale financiare. T\u00ebrmeti i kat\u00ebrt i madh u b\u00eb i njohur n\u00eb bot\u00ebn arabe nga viti 2010 e k\u00ebtej dhe ishte i nj\u00eb natyre sociopolitike\/ekonomike. Derisa ky t\u00ebrmet ta p\u00ebrmbush\u00eb premtimin e tij t\u00eb par\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb dinjitet, liri, demokraci dhe p\u00ebrparim ekonomik p\u00ebr popujt arab\u00eb, ai ka p\u00ebr t\u00eb vazhduar ta trondis\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb rajonin mu n\u00eb themelet e tij.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimi afatshkurt\u00ebr dhe politikat hipotetike u p\u00ebrdor\u00ebn para s\u00eb gjithash p\u00ebr trajtimin e k\u00ebtyre t\u00ebrmeteve, duke i l\u00ebn\u00eb ato t\u00eb pazgjidhura dhe duke shtruar rrug\u00ebn p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb po ngjet tani: nj\u00eb t\u00ebrmet sistemor i karakterizuar nga nj\u00eb val\u00eb n\u00eb rritje e ekstremizmit, t\u00eb shtrir\u00eb nga aktivitetet terroriste t\u00eb grupeve si DAESH-i, deri te shp\u00ebrthimi populist n\u00eb zgjedhjet e fundit n\u00eb Europ\u00eb dhe n\u00eb SHBA. Nj\u00eb nga pasojat m\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuese t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre t\u00ebrmeteve ka qen\u00eb nj\u00eb rritje n\u00eb autokracit\u00eb populiste, n\u00eb ekskluzivitetin, n\u00eb unilateralizmin, n\u00eb ndjekjen egoiste t\u00eb interesave t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuara ngusht\u00ebsisht nacionale, kjo n\u00eb d\u00ebm t\u00eb vlerave dhe t\u00eb t\u00eb mirave t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb nj\u00eb sh\u00ebnim m\u00eb personal, Turqia ka qen\u00eb n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebtyre t\u00ebrmeteve. Si nj\u00eb akademik q\u00eb e ka \u00e7uar nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse t\u00eb jet\u00ebs akademike dhe intelektuale n\u00eb shqyrtimin e shkaqeve rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsore t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre t\u00ebrmeteve, e m\u00eb von\u00eb si minist\u00ebr i Jasht\u00ebm dhe kryeminist\u00ebr i Turqis\u00eb q\u00eb do t\u2019i formulonte p\u00ebrgjigjet e politik\u00ebs ndaj k\u00ebtyre ngjarjeve sizmike, un\u00eb erdha te njohja e nj\u00eb modeli reagimesh komb\u00ebtare, rajonale dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, afatshkurtra n\u00eb koh\u00eb dhe kund\u00ebrvepruese, q\u00eb nuk arrijn\u00eb t\u2019i trajtojn\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet m\u00eb t\u00eb gjera t\u00eb qeverisjes globale dhe t\u00eb rendit sistemor.<\/p>\n

Sfida dhe t\u00eb meta t\u00eb \u201crendit\u201d aktual<\/strong><\/p>\n

Post e v\u00ebrteta, post-rendi dhe post-fakti e koncepte t\u00eb ngjashme, jan\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzuar me boll\u00ebk p\u00ebr ta p\u00ebrshkruar at\u00eb, p\u00ebrmes s\u00eb cil\u00ebs po kalon bota. P\u00ebr shembull, derisa termi \u201cpost e v\u00ebrteta\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur p\u00ebr t\u00eb shpjeguar kontekstin, faktor\u00ebt q\u00eb kan\u00eb hapur rrug\u00ebn p\u00ebr \u00e7ka po p\u00ebrjetojm\u00eb tani, termi \u201cpostrend\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruar sistemin global ose munges\u00ebn n\u00eb lidhje me t\u00eb. N\u00ebse nuk shihen me nj\u00ebfar\u00eb skepticizmi dhe larg\u00ebsie, k\u00ebto koncepte priren t\u00eb shkaktojn\u00eb nj\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb rigorozitetit intelektual ose analitik, duke i sh\u00ebrbyer q\u00ebllimit t\u00eb pad\u00ebshiruar t\u00eb leht\u00ebsimit t\u00eb agjent\u00ebve nga p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia e tyre p\u00ebr \u00e7far\u00eb po ndodh\u00eb. Mendimi i fresk\u00ebt, jo i mbajtur peng nga konceptet e popullarizuara rishtazi, duhet bashkuar me perceptimin se p\u00ebrdorimi tradicional i koncepteve dikur shpjeguese, si e djathta dhe e majta, \u00ebsht\u00eb i kufizuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse n\u00eb shpjegimin e fenomenit aktual.<\/p>\n

\u201cRendi\u201d i tanish\u00ebm nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, i mbajtur gjall\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht nga fuqia amerikane \u2013 mb\u00ebshtetur supozuesh\u00ebm nga vlera t\u00eb tilla si demokracia, rendi ligjor, tregjet e lira dhe nga institucione t\u00eb tilla si OKB-ja, G20-ta, FMN-ja, Banka Bot\u00ebrore dhe Organizata Bot\u00ebrore e Tregtis\u00eb \u2013 po p\u00ebrballet me sfida t\u00eb m\u00ebdha. S\u00eb pari, administrata e Trump-it, me politik\u00ebn e saj t\u00eb deklaruar \u201cAmerika e para\u201d, ngjan t\u00eb jet\u00eb duke u larguar nga sistemi, m\u00eb aktualja e krizave sot. N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb argumentueshme, ndikimi i saj mund t\u00eb zbutet ose p\u00ebrmes angazhimit t\u00eb establishmentit amerikan ndaj rendit bot\u00ebror ose p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb pron\u00ebsie m\u00eb kolektive t\u00eb tij. S\u00eb dyti, sistemi i deklaruar i vlerave i rendit mbizot\u00ebrues ose \u00ebsht\u00eb zbatuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebrzgjedh\u00ebse ose nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb zbatuar fare n\u00eb shum\u00eb kontekste. P\u00ebr shembull, gjat\u00eb t\u00ebrmetit t\u00eb kat\u00ebrt, t\u00eb shkaktuar nga revoltat anemban\u00eb bot\u00ebs arabe, aktor\u00ebt nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb adoptuan p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht politika afatshkurtra n\u00eb koh\u00eb dhe vet\u00ebshpartalluese n\u00eb vend t\u00eb q\u00ebndrimit n\u00eb krah t\u00eb vlerave t\u00eb deklaruara t\u00eb rendit, t\u00eb tilla si demokracia. Kjo i ka l\u00ebn\u00eb njer\u00ebzit me zgjedhjen e pak\u00ebndshme t\u00eb terrorizmit karshi shteteve policore, q\u00eb n\u00eb vijim ka zvog\u00ebluar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse legjitimitetin e rendit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar p\u00ebr segmente t\u00eb m\u00ebdha t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb bot\u00ebrore. S\u00eb treti, institucionet e rendit mbizot\u00ebrues nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar kan\u00eb nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb madhe p\u00ebr reform\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrdit\u00ebsim. Merrni shembullin e OKB-s\u00eb: \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb institucion m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti pa histori suksesi, e q\u00eb k\u00ebtej, pa besueshm\u00ebri. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, struktura e qeverisjes s\u00eb k\u00ebtyre institucioneve nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb ato veprojn\u00eb si klube p\u00ebrjashtuese t\u00eb projektuara para s\u00eb gjithash p\u00ebr t\u2019u sh\u00ebrbyer interesave t\u00eb t\u00eb fuqishmit n\u00eb d\u00ebm t\u00eb t\u00eb dob\u00ebtit. P\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb q\u00eb institucionet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare jan\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, legjitimiteti i tyre do t\u00eb mbetet gjithmon\u00eb i dyshimt\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Debatet e fundit mbi t\u00eb ardhmen e \u201crendit\u201d nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar jan\u00eb nxitur nga Brexit-i dhe zgjedhja e Trump-it. Por, natyra e nxeht\u00eb e s\u00eb tashmes nuk duhet t\u2019i trajt\u00ebsoj\u00eb reagimet tona ndaj k\u00ebsaj krize t\u00eb thell\u00eb. Disa koncepte, \u00e7\u00ebshtje dhe \u201cfakte\u201d duhet t\u2019i n\u00ebnshtrohen shqyrtimit serioz. Idet\u00eb e ndryshimit dhe rendit, si dhe agjenti i ndryshimit dhe rendit, duhet t\u00eb shqyrtohen fund e krye p\u00ebrpara se ne t\u00eb mund t\u00eb japim nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje t\u00eb drejt\u00eb, p\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse dhe t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme p\u00ebr kriz\u00ebn aktuale sistemore.<\/p>\n

Nevoja p\u00ebr ndryshim dhe modalitetet e rendit<\/strong><\/p>\n

Duke pasur parasysh t\u00ebrmetin e tanish\u00ebm sistemor, klasat politike dhe intelektuale duhet t\u00eb fillojn\u00eb me pranimin se ndryshimi \u00ebsht\u00eb i nevojsh\u00ebm dhe i pashmangsh\u00ebm. Me t\u2019u d\u00ebshmuar kjo, \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e tjera jan\u00eb rreth asaj se \u00e7far\u00eb duhet t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb dhe si. Nj\u00eb prej t\u00eb metave p\u00ebrcaktuese t\u00eb \u201crendit\u201d aktual nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar \u00ebsht\u00eb besimi i tij i tepruar te teknokracia. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb jop\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese, me nj\u00eb deficit demokratik n\u00eb b\u00ebrtham\u00ebn e saj, gj\u00eb q\u00eb ka \u00e7uar n\u00eb pak\u00ebsimin progresiv t\u00eb pron\u00ebsis\u00eb sociale t\u00eb sistemit. Kjo, n\u00eb vijim, ka krijuar nj\u00eb rreth vicioz: sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb zvog\u00ebluar baza shoq\u00ebrore e rendit aktual, aq m\u00eb shum\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb teknokracin\u00eb globaliste p\u00ebr mbijetes\u00ebn e saj, por sa m\u00eb tep\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb teknokraci, aq m\u00eb shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz jan\u00eb ftohur nga sistemi. Nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e madhe e shoq\u00ebrive anek\u00ebnd bot\u00ebs e shohin k\u00ebt\u00eb sistem si nj\u00eb imponim tutelor n\u00eb shkall\u00eb globale. Kjo pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsi u shkon p\u00ebr shtat autokrat\u00ebve populist\u00eb. Prandaj, tensioni midis natyr\u00ebs teknokratike t\u00eb sistemit dhe k\u00ebrkes\u00ebs n\u00eb rritje q\u00eb ai t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues duhet trajtuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Sapo t\u00eb vihet kjo n\u00eb vij\u00eb, p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebsit e ruajtjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb versioni t\u00eb reformuar t\u00eb \u201crendit\u201d t\u00eb tanish\u00ebm duhet t\u2019u kund\u00ebrvihen k\u00ebrkesave m\u00eb agresive dhe p\u00ebrjashtuese p\u00ebr ndryshim t\u00eb parashtruara nga populist\u00ebt me nj\u00eb ide ndryshimi shum\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr progresive dhe p\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse. Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se nj\u00eb rend nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i mb\u00ebshtetur te vlerat dhe rregulli dhe nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb parim reflektues i vlerave dhe interesave t\u00eb nj\u00eb segmenti t\u00eb madh t\u00eb njer\u00ebzimit, do t\u00eb jet\u00eb i destinuar t\u00eb d\u00ebshtoj\u00eb. Af\u00ebrmendsh, tjet\u00ebr gj\u00eb ta thuash e tjet\u00ebr gj\u00eb ta b\u00ebsh. Por, ka dy qasje kryesore.<\/p>\n

Alternativa e par\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb pajtohesh mbi nj\u00eb varg parimesh dhe vlerash e ta nd\u00ebrtosh rendin bazuar n\u00eb to. K\u00ebsisoj, baza e vlerave t\u00eb rendit \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb p\u00ebr \u00e7dok\u00ebnd. Ne duhet t\u00eb kemi nj\u00eb varg rregullash dhe nj\u00eb num\u00ebr strategjish q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb zbatueshme p\u00ebr k\u00ebdo. P\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb, kjo qasje siguron gjithashtu kriteret dhe standardet me t\u00eb cilat do t\u00eb gjykohet paraqitja dhe do t\u00eb pikaset \u00e7do keqfunksionim i sistemit. Nj\u00eb rend i till\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00ebs dhe i bazuar n\u00eb vlerat do t\u2019i jap\u00eb atij m\u00eb tep\u00ebr legjitimitet dhe nj\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb shoq\u00ebrore n\u00eb rrafsh bot\u00ebror.<\/p>\n

Qasja e dyt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqesh t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtosh nj\u00eb lloj rendi t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb hamendjen dhe pragmatizmin. Kjo form\u00eb rendi do t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb terren t\u00eb paq\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm dhe ka p\u00ebr t\u2019u v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb diskutim q\u00eb prej dit\u00ebs s\u00eb par\u00eb. Ka p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrballur me nj\u00eb cik\u00ebl krizash t\u00eb shkaktuara nga rivalitetet dhe konkurrenca me shum\u00eb zero. K\u00ebsisoj, p\u00ebrfshirja e bazuar n\u00eb rregullin dhe drejt\u00ebsia e nxitur nga parimi, do t\u00eb formojn\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb rendi dhe rendi aktual do t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet m\u00eb s\u00eb paku t\u00eb p\u00ebrdit\u00ebsohet me k\u00ebto faktor\u00eb n\u00eb mendje. Derisa sistemi i tanish\u00ebm duhet t\u00eb reflektoj\u00eb tashm\u00eb n\u00eb teori qasjen e par\u00eb, zbatimet e tij n\u00eb praktik\u00eb e tregojn\u00eb at\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb pran\u00eb s\u00eb dyt\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Kush e ka p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr ta ngritur apo p\u00ebr ta mbajtur rendin? N\u00eb nivel komb\u00ebtar, ne kemi dy kandidat\u00eb: establishmentin ose udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit populist\u00eb t\u00eb val\u00ebve t\u00eb reja antisistemore. V\u00ebshtir\u00ebsia \u00ebsht\u00eb se establishmenti nuk ka legjitimitetin e nevojsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb rend t\u00eb ri ose p\u00ebr ta p\u00ebrdit\u00ebsuar dramatikisht t\u00eb vjetrin. Por, populist\u00ebt e rinj nuk kan\u00eb as synimin, as njohurit\u00eb e duhura, p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb rend t\u00eb ri ose p\u00ebr ta rishikuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse at\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb pun\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrveprimi, lufta midis tyre, do t\u2019i jap\u00eb trajt\u00eb rendit komb\u00ebtar, q\u00eb n\u00eb vijim ka p\u00ebr t\u00eb trajt\u00ebsuar rendin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. N\u00eb nivel nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, OKB-ja duhet t\u00eb kishte funksionuar si platforma par\u00ebsore p\u00ebr diskutim mbi nj\u00eb rend t\u00eb reformuar ose t\u00eb ri, por niveli i gjertanish\u00ebm i paraqitjes s\u00eb saj nuk jep shpresa t\u00eb m\u00ebdha.<\/p>\n

Nevoja p\u00ebr nj\u00eb qeverisje globale m\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse<\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, vala populiste n\u00eb rritje dhe krizat sistemore e kan\u00eb ilustruar qart\u00eb faktin se \u201crendi\u201d i tanish\u00ebm nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb procesin e delegjitimimit n\u00eb dy nivele. S\u00eb pari, ai \u00ebsht\u00eb hedhur posht\u00eb si nj\u00eb burim padrejt\u00ebsie, pandershm\u00ebrie dhe imponimi, si nj\u00eb simptom\u00eb e kalb\u00ebzimit t\u00eb elit\u00ebs globale dhe e indiferenc\u00ebs s\u00eb saj ndaj pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsive t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb anemban\u00eb bot\u00ebs, a t\u00eb ve\u00e7imit prej tyre. S\u00eb dyti, \u201crendi\u201d aktual \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb diskutim nga grupe t\u00eb m\u00ebdha shtetesh, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht nga fuqit\u00eb n\u00eb rritje, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Turqin\u00eb, q\u00eb me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb e vler\u00ebsojn\u00eb at\u00eb si jop\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues, si reflektues thuajse ekskluzivisht i projektimeve dhe p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsive t\u00eb fuqive per\u00ebndimore fitimtare t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore. Paaft\u00ebsia e sistemit p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb vend dhe p\u00ebr t\u2019i p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuar ndershm\u00ebrisht ato jo vet\u00ebm e zvog\u00eblon legjitimitetin e tij, por e minon funksionimin e tij. Ndikimi i bashkuar i k\u00ebtyre dy faktor\u00ebve krijon kriz\u00ebn bashk\u00ebkohore t\u00eb legjitimitetit. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb faz\u00eb, \u00e7\u00ebshtja me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi thelb\u00ebsore \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebse ky delegjitimim do t\u00eb \u00e7oj\u00eb n\u00eb shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrjen e plot\u00eb t\u00eb sistemit. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, \u00ebsht\u00eb ende p\u00ebr t\u2019u par\u00eb n\u00ebse ky t\u00ebrmet sistemor ka p\u00ebr t\u00eb kulmuar me shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrjen e rendit t\u00eb tanish\u00ebm apo me p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimin e tij. P\u00ebr ta shmangur shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrjen, duhet t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmerren reforma t\u00eb m\u00ebdha p\u00ebr t\u00eb rivendosur legjitimitetin, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e vetmja m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb rendi aktual t\u2019i mbijetoj\u00eb k\u00ebtij t\u00ebrmeti sistemor.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrndryshe, prirjet e tanishme jan\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuese dhe i ngjajn\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb 19-t\u00eb ose periudh\u00ebs para Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore. Nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb ekonomike n\u00eb vijim, nj\u00eb shtim n\u00eb prirjet izolacioniste midis fuqive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, nj\u00eb rritje n\u00eb autokracit\u00eb dhe n\u00eb politikat populiste, n\u00eb unilateralizmin, nj\u00eb perceptim i politik\u00ebs dhe i nd\u00ebrveprimeve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare si loj\u00ebra me shum\u00eb zero, dhe ve\u00e7ori t\u00eb ngjashme, p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb tendenca t\u00eb frikshme, q\u00eb megjithat\u00eb mund t\u00eb prap\u00ebsohen. Zgjedhjet jan\u00eb t\u00eb qarta. Bota ose do t\u00eb drejtohet p\u00ebrs\u00ebri p\u00ebr nga \u201cbalanca e sistemit t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb\u201d reciprokisht shkat\u00ebrruese ose do t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb struktur\u00eb qeverisjeje globale reciprokisht frytdh\u00ebn\u00ebse, m\u00eb mir\u00ebdash\u00ebse, m\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse, m\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb e m\u00eb humanitare. Derisa interesat e p\u00ebrcaktuara ngusht\u00ebsisht dhe unilateralizmi vet\u00ebshpartallues formojn\u00eb karakterin kryesor t\u00eb sistemit t\u00eb shkuar, vlerat dhe rregullat e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta dhe nj\u00eb multilateraliz\u00ebm reciprokisht frytdh\u00ebn\u00ebs, do t\u2019i p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb konturet e alternativ\u00ebs pasuese.<\/p>\n

Shpresa e pap\u00ebrmbushur q\u00eb nga vitet 1990-t\u00eb ka qen\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb realitet nj\u00eb t\u00eb ardhme t\u00eb trajt\u00ebsuar nga qeverisja globale. Dallimi midis qeverisjes globale dhe rendit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar \u00ebsht\u00eb se \u201crendi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u201d n\u00ebnkupton se shtetet-kombe jan\u00eb nj\u00ebsi kryesore dhe se rendi \u00ebsht\u00eb formuar si rezultat i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve dhe dialogut midis vendeve. \u201cQeverisja globale\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb nd\u00ebrvepruese, m\u00eb e mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb dialogun, si dhe m\u00eb transnacionale. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm dialogu midis shteteve-kombe, por midis qenieve njer\u00ebzore, me nj\u00eb sistem m\u00eb nd\u00ebrveprues, m\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhur, q\u00eb krijon nj\u00eb rend nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Dhe, k\u00ebshtu, njer\u00ebzia n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb faz\u00eb ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr qeverisje globale t\u00eb form\u00ebs p\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse, t\u00eb drejt\u00eb, konsensuale, multilaterale, t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb rregulla dhe vlera.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Shkruan: Ahmet DAVUTO\u011eLU, Turqi \u00a0 Fundi i sistemit t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb premtoi t\u2019i hap\u00eb udh\u00eb nj\u00eb rendi t\u00eb ri global. Por, kjo nuk ngjau. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, bota…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":10908,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-20178","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinionanaliza"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/20178"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=20178"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/20178\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":20180,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/20178\/revisions\/20180"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/10908"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=20178"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=20178"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=20178"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}