{"id":27379,"date":"2019-05-02T19:51:40","date_gmt":"2019-05-02T17:51:40","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/shekulliagency.com\/?p=27379"},"modified":"2019-05-03T19:56:52","modified_gmt":"2019-05-03T17:56:52","slug":"kriza-dhe-shpresa","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/?p=27379","title":{"rendered":"Kriza dhe shpresa"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"<\/a>N\u00ebse dhuna del jasht\u00eb kontrollit dhe merr karakterin e nj\u00eb zhak\u00ebrie moderne, ku njer\u00ebzit u sulen edhe lagjeve me mure t\u00eb larta t\u00eb pasanik\u00ebve, bashk\u00eb me qeveritar\u00ebt do ta p\u00ebsonin edhe vilat e opozitar\u00ebve t\u00eb sot\u00ebm<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Shkruan<\/strong>:\u00a0Arlind QORI<\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00eb dhjetor u kuptua se n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri asgj\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb vazhdonte si m\u00eb par\u00eb. Masiviteti dhe intensiteti i protestave studentore nxor\u00ebn n\u00eb pah faktin se rinia universitare, si grupi m\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, nuk do t\u00eb pranonte m\u00eb koordinatat e vjetra t\u00eb veprimit dhe mendimit politik. Institucionet publike, madje edhe vet\u00eb ideja e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit, hyn\u00eb n\u00eb kriz\u00eb t\u00eb thell\u00eb. Demokracia nisi t\u00eb artikulohej si veprim kolektiv i drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb, radikal dhe krijues. Mbar\u00eb shoq\u00ebria gjeti mund\u00ebsin\u00eb t\u00eb shprehte t\u00ebhuaj\u00ebsimin e vet politik, duke u konsideruar z\u00eblart si e pap\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuar.<\/p>\n

Af\u00ebrmendsh, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb situat\u00eb krize t\u00eb gjitha partit\u00eb do t\u00eb luanin vendit p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb me pahir rolin e antisistemor\u00ebve t\u00eb lindur prej hi\u00e7it. E filloi Rama kur, pasi i fyeu student\u00ebt si ngel\u00ebs q\u00eb k\u00ebrkonin t\u00eb kalonin me hatrin e presionit kolektiv, u identifikua sa p\u00ebr sy e faqe me k\u00ebrkesat e tyre. Madje, i shkoi mendja aq larg sa t\u00eb vet\u00ebshpallej n\u00eb kllapi kreu i revolucionit studentor.<\/p>\n

E kapur n\u00eb kund\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, e befasuar dhe pa minimumin e mendimit strategjik, opozit\u00ebs (PD-LSI) iu desh\u00ebn disa muaj p\u00ebr t\u00eb kaluar nga statusi i t\u00eb pagojit politik, q\u00eb tenton t\u00eb fus\u00eb duart brenda shum\u00ebsis\u00eb studentore, n\u00eb at\u00eb t\u00eb imituesit t\u00eb dob\u00ebt t\u00eb antisistematizmit studentor.<\/p>\n

PD dhe LSI, si \u00e7do parti tjet\u00ebr n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, jan\u00eb t\u00eb vet\u00ebdijshme p\u00ebr hendekun e thell\u00eb q\u00eb ekziston midis tyre dhe shoq\u00ebris\u00eb. Historikisht, partit\u00eb e kan\u00eb kapur shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb nga lart, pa u lidhur organikisht me grupet e m\u00ebdha t\u00eb saj. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit t\u00eb interesave t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre grupeve dhe hegjemonizmit shoq\u00ebror p\u00ebrmes ideologjish vitale, ato jan\u00eb mbajtur n\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet ndarjes s\u00eb pasuris\u00eb publike me oligark\u00ebt dhe mbajtjes n\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb rrjeti klientelist t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb pun\u00ebsime (n\u00eb administrat\u00ebn shtet\u00ebrore dhe bizneset af\u00ebr tyre). T\u00eb till\u00eb rrjet\u00eb kan\u00eb ditur, hera-her\u00ebs, ta sheqerosin me ideologji t\u00eb vdekura q\u00eb u th\u00ebrrasin njer\u00ebzve n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb nostalgjis\u00eb, duke zhvilluar imagjinarisht n\u00eb t\u00eb sotmen betejat e nj\u00eb t\u00eb shkuare gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb larg\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebto kushte, partive opozitare u nevojitej nj\u00eb gjest i fort\u00eb, q\u00eb ata shpresonin (dhe ende shpresojn\u00eb) se do ta ngushtonte sadopak hendekun e besimit midis tyre dhe shoq\u00ebris\u00eb. I vetmi gjest i pakryer m\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb historin\u00eb institucionale t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb ishte djegia e mandatave parlamentare. Dhe, sigurisht, k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi se, n\u00eb rast mosplot\u00ebsimi t\u00eb k\u00ebrkesave, ata do t\u00eb bojkotojn\u00eb dhe ndoshta pamund\u00ebsojn\u00eb fizikisht zhvillimin e zgjedhjeve lokale t\u00eb qershorit.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb e pakta q\u00eb mund t\u00eb thuhet \u00ebsht\u00eb se gjesti i opozit\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb interesant. Me t\u00eb, ata e kan\u00eb \u00e7uar kriz\u00ebn e legjitimitetit q\u00eb prodhuan student\u00ebt nj\u00eb hap m\u00eb tutje. Nj\u00ebri krah i sistemit t\u00eb kalbur politik po k\u00ebrc\u00ebnon t\u00eb dal\u00eb formalisht nga ky sistem. \u00c7\u2019natyr\u00eb ka kjo dalje? Af\u00ebrmendsh, jo at\u00eb t\u00eb katharsisit politik, t\u00eb pamundur p\u00ebr parti t\u00eb tilla, por t\u00eb vet\u00ebvrasjes politike. Opozita duket se ka v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb kok\u00eb pistolet\u00ebn dhe po e k\u00ebrc\u00ebnon Ram\u00ebn me vet\u00ebvrasje, nga e cila do t\u00eb fundosej n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment t\u00eb dyt\u00eb edhe vet\u00eb PS-ja. Ekuilibri politik mes pal\u00ebve ka qen\u00eb kaher\u00eb burimi i stabilitetit t\u00eb k\u00ebtij sistemi. Mund t\u00eb abuzohej me popullin vet\u00ebm n\u00ebse oligark\u00ebve u krijohej p\u00ebrshtypja se ndryshimi i pushtetit nuk do t\u00eb sillte ndryshim t\u00eb politikave, kurse popullit i ushqehej iluzioni i ndryshimit p\u00ebrderisa kishte m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb parti n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem relativisht konkurrues.<\/p>\n

Arsyeja pse opozita k\u00ebrkon jo vet\u00ebm zgjedhje t\u00eb parakohshme, por edhe dor\u00ebheqjen e Ram\u00ebs, si kusht i hyrjes n\u00eb \u00e7far\u00ebdo procesi zgjedhor, lidhet m\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si jan\u00eb strukturuar marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet midis pushtetit politik, n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb, dhe oligarkis\u00eb ekonomike e krimit t\u00eb organizuar, n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr. Deri von\u00eb, oligark\u00ebt dhe kriminel\u00ebt e m\u00ebdhenj e kan\u00eb shp\u00ebrndar\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjen n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb pak a shum\u00eb t\u00eb barabart\u00eb midis pal\u00ebve. Mir\u00ebpo, i mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb nj\u00eb parti historikisht m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe dhe t\u00eb organizuar si PS dhe n\u00eb fitoren me hir e pahir t\u00eb zgjedhjeve lokale t\u00eb 2015 dhe komb\u00ebtare t\u00eb 2017, Rama ka krijuar mes oligark\u00ebve dhe kriminel\u00ebve p\u00ebrshtypjen se ai \u00ebsht\u00eb partneri i vet\u00ebm me t\u00eb cilin mund t\u00eb merren vesh. Me sa duket, kjo ka sjell\u00eb nj\u00eb shp\u00ebrpjes\u00ebtim t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjes, ku qeveria \u00ebsht\u00eb mjaft m\u00eb e avantazhuar se opozita.<\/p>\n

Natyrisht, opozita nuk ka as vullnetin, as idet\u00eb, as mund\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr ta sulmuar k\u00ebt\u00eb sistem n\u00eb themel. Ajo e di se p\u00ebr partit\u00eb e vjetra ka vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb pushteti: partneriteti me oligark\u00ebt dhe krimin e organizuar. Prandaj, presioni i tyre dhe k\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr dor\u00ebheqjen e Ram\u00ebs synon t\u2019u d\u00ebrgoj\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebsip\u00ebrmve mesazhin se ata jan\u00eb partner\u00eb nj\u00eblloj t\u00eb besuesh\u00ebm dhe \u201ctepsia\u201d e famshme duhet rindar\u00eb p\u00ebrgjysm\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Rrjedhimisht protestat e opozit\u00ebs, pavar\u00ebsisht dukjes s\u00eb mir\u00ebkuruar, nuk jan\u00eb mir\u00ebfilli t\u00eb dhunshme. K\u00ebtu nuk e kam fjal\u00ebn vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr antisistematizmin e munguar t\u00eb tyre, por edhe p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb mund t\u00eb quhet stisje e dhun\u00ebs fizike gjat\u00eb protestave. Pavar\u00ebsisht se nga zyra e Ram\u00ebs deri n\u00eb Bruksel e Uashington duket se shqet\u00ebsohen p\u00ebr dhun\u00ebn, n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb n\u00eb protestat e opozit\u00ebs niveli i dhun\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb i mir\u00ebkontrolluar, ka nj\u00eb fush\u00ebveprim shum\u00eb t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb dhe kryesisht synon t\u00eb shmang\u00eb njer\u00ebzit e t\u2019u drejtohet m\u00eb shum\u00eb xhamave e mureve. N\u00ebse i shihni me kujdes, pjesa m\u00eb e madhe e protestave p\u00ebrfundojn\u00eb me t\u00eb shtyra t\u00eb telekomanduara midis dhjet\u00ebra protestuesve dhe polic\u00ebve. Shumica d\u00ebrrmuese e t\u00eb par\u00ebve dhe t\u00eb dyt\u00ebve thjesht b\u00ebjn\u00eb sehir. Pas pak tentativave disaminut\u00ebshe, pal\u00ebt kthehen n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi duke premtuar se her\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr do t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb namin.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb protestat e p\u00ebrpara 15-20 viteve \u2013 t\u00eb cilat, ndon\u00ebse mund t\u00eb ishin t\u00eb iniciuara politikisht, mblidhnin nj\u00eb mllef t\u00eb madh popullor \u2013 protestuesit e kishin zakon q\u00eb ndjenj\u00ebn e revolt\u00ebs ta derdhnin jo vet\u00ebm kund\u00ebr mureve t\u00eb nj\u00eb institucioni publik, por edhe ndaj dyqaneve apo makinave luksoze. N\u00eb kushtet e sotme, nj\u00eb protest\u00eb mir\u00ebfilli i dhunshme \u2013 e ngjashme me \u00e7\u2019ndodh n\u00eb kryeqendrat e Evrop\u00ebs Per\u00ebndimore \u2013 nuk do t\u00eb linte mangut bankat apo qendrat tregtare. Fakti q\u00eb di\u00e7ka e till\u00eb as ndodh, as imagjinohet t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb, tregon se ajo pak dhun\u00eb q\u00eb ushtrohet jo vet\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb e stisur dhe e kontrolluar nga lart, por edhe sh\u00ebrben si monedh\u00eb k\u00ebmbimi politik n\u00eb loj\u00ebn e pal\u00ebve p\u00ebr fatet e tepsis\u00eb. Fundja, n\u00ebse dhuna del jasht\u00eb kontrollit dhe merr karakterin e nj\u00eb zhak\u00ebrie moderne, ku njer\u00ebzit u sulen edhe lagjeve me mure t\u00eb larta t\u00eb pasanik\u00ebve, bashk\u00eb me qeveritar\u00ebt do ta p\u00ebsonin edhe vilat e opozitar\u00ebve t\u00eb sot\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

Ecim m\u00eb tutje. Midis interesave t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs dhe ligj\u00ebrimit t\u00eb saj publik po krijohet nj\u00eb hendek q\u00eb po merr trajt\u00ebn e kontradikt\u00ebs. P\u00ebr t\u2019u pranuar n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri, opozit\u00ebs i duhet ta radikalizoj\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn e saj, nd\u00ebrsa p\u00ebr t\u2019u pranuar n\u00eb tavolin\u00ebn e t\u00eb fort\u00ebve duhet t\u00eb jap\u00eb mesazhe t\u00eb koduara se, pavar\u00ebsisht ndryshimeve, n\u00eb fund asgj\u00eb nuk ka p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndryshuar. K\u00ebshtu, opozit\u00ebs i duhet t\u00eb flas\u00eb p\u00ebr arsim publik falas, luft\u00eb ndaj krimit t\u00eb organizuar, mposhtje t\u00eb oligark\u00ebve, nj\u00eb sistem t\u00eb ri politik, ndryshime kushtetuese, sistem t\u00eb ri zgjedhor, leht\u00ebsim t\u00eb regjistrimit t\u00eb flukseve t\u00eb reja politike, por pa specifikuar gj\u00eb. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb ura me grupet e t\u00eb ashtuquajtur\u00ebs shoq\u00ebri civile. Mir\u00ebpo, paradoksalisht, e vetmja mund\u00ebsi q\u00eb presioni i opozit\u00ebs t\u00eb mos krijoj\u00eb vet\u00ebm ndarje t\u00eb tepsis\u00eb, por edhe reforma politike t\u00eb domosdoshme, buron nga perceptimi i dob\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb saj. Sa m\u00eb e dob\u00ebt t\u00eb ndihet ajo, aq m\u00eb pak i duket se ka p\u00ebr t\u00eb humbur politikisht dhe aq m\u00eb e hapur do t\u00eb jet\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb sakrifikoj\u00eb interesat e saj afatgjat\u00eb n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb mbijetes\u00ebs politike t\u00eb tanishme.<\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, h\u00ebp\u00ebrh\u00eb, ashp\u00ebrsimi i konfliktit t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr partiak duket se e ka l\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb pagoj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb. Pas ezaurimit t\u00eb faz\u00ebs s\u00eb par\u00eb t\u00eb protest\u00ebs studentore dhe pamund\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb grupeve t\u00eb tjera shoq\u00ebrore p\u00ebr t\u00eb artikuluar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb pavarur nevojat e tyre, partit\u00eb mund\u00ebn ta riafirmonin hegjemonin\u00eb e tyre politike, duke e ngushtuar s\u00ebrish fush\u00ebbetej\u00ebn politike midis tyre. Duopoli i paras\u00eb, mediave dhe pushtetit ua jep p\u00ebrkoh\u00ebsisht k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsi. Po fuqit\u00eb e tyre jan\u00eb t\u00eb ezaurueshme. Dita e zgjedhjeve lokale po afron. PD-ja dhe LSI-ja po luajn\u00eb gjith\u00e7ka n\u00eb k\u00ebto pak muaj q\u00eb na ndajn\u00eb nga zgjedhjet lokale. Bojkotimi i tyre do t\u00eb kishte nj\u00eb kosto t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme p\u00ebr ta. Ndryshe nga djegia e mandateve parlamentare, bojkotimi i zgjedhjeve lokale n\u00ebnkupton se qeveria do t\u00eb marr\u00eb pushtetin n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha bashkit\u00eb. Kjo mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebj\u00eb nj\u00eb fitore t\u00eb vog\u00ebl ideologjike p\u00ebr opozit\u00ebn, pasi do t\u00eb krijohej p\u00ebrshtypja e nj\u00eb shteti autoritar ku t\u00eb gjitha pushtetet jan\u00eb n\u00eb dor\u00eb t\u00eb Ram\u00ebs. Por, nga ana tjet\u00ebr, do t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptonte humbjen e qendrave t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme pushtetore. Bashkit\u00eb administrojn\u00eb para, t\u00eb cilat i duhen partis\u00eb. Po ashtu, pun\u00ebsojn\u00eb mij\u00ebra njer\u00ebz, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem politik klientelist jan\u00eb shtylla kurrizore e partis\u00eb, m\u00eb t\u00eb devotshmit n\u00eb veprimtari politike.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse Rama ia del t\u2019i njoh\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtarisht zgjedhjet lokale, opozita nuk do t\u00eb ket\u00eb mund\u00ebsi t\u2019i rezistoj\u00eb procesit t\u00eb shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrjes s\u00eb brendshme, \u00e7ka do t\u00eb afronte n\u00eb koh\u00eb shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrjen e vet\u00eb PS-s\u00eb. N\u00ebse arrin n\u00eb koh\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje p\u00ebr ndarjen e tepsis\u00eb, e gjith\u00eb veprimtaria e saj \u201cradikale\u201d e k\u00ebtyre muajve do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundonte n\u00eb kosh, \u00e7ka do t\u00eb shuante edhe iluzionin e fundit mbi mund\u00ebsit\u00eb vet\u00ebrregulluese t\u00eb sistemit politik. N\u00eb t\u00eb dyja rastet, sistemi politik shqiptar do t\u00eb hynte n\u00eb nj\u00eb faz\u00eb edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb thell\u00eb krize legjitimiteti. Kur uj\u00ebrat e pushtetit turbullohen, nj\u00eb dit\u00eb e re po troket p\u00ebr popullin.<\/p>\n

\/TVshenja\/<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

N\u00ebse dhuna del jasht\u00eb kontrollit dhe merr karakterin e nj\u00eb zhak\u00ebrie moderne, ku njer\u00ebzit u sulen edhe lagjeve me mure t\u00eb larta t\u00eb pasanik\u00ebve, bashk\u00eb me qeveritar\u00ebt do ta p\u00ebsonin…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":27380,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-27379","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinionanaliza"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/27379"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=27379"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/27379\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":27381,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/27379\/revisions\/27381"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/27380"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=27379"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=27379"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=27379"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}