{"id":27567,"date":"2019-07-12T15:37:06","date_gmt":"2019-07-12T13:37:06","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/shekulliagency.com\/?p=27567"},"modified":"2019-07-12T16:10:33","modified_gmt":"2019-07-12T14:10:33","slug":"kultura-kushtetuese-kruspull","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/?p=27567","title":{"rendered":"KULTURA KUSHTETUESE KRUSPULL"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
\"KABASHI\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Ngadh\u00ebnjimi i NATO-s i parapriu miratimit t\u00eb Rezolut\u00ebs 1244 n\u00eb K\u00ebshillin e Sigurimit (1999), me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn u vendos formimi i nj\u00eb autoriteti qeveris\u00ebs n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb me prezenc\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Konkretisht, kjo do t\u00eb shfaqej n\u00eb dy rrafshe: n\u00eb at\u00eb civil (UNMIK) dhe n\u00eb at\u00eb ushtarak (KFOR)<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Shkruan: Ditar KABASHI<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Viti 2019 e rrumbullakon plot\u00ebsimin e decenies s\u00eb dyt\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7lirimit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, nj\u00ebher\u00ebsh edhe hapin m\u00eb serioz n\u00eb rrug\u00ebtimin e idealit p\u00ebr shk\u00ebputje nga ish-Jugosllavia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kur Organizata e Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara d\u00ebshtoi ta jet\u00ebsonte rolin e saj humanitar, q\u00eb ia ngarkon para s\u00eb gjithash Karta e Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara (1945), at\u00ebher\u00eb bota (posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht ajo per\u00ebndimore) u gjend para nj\u00eb m\u00ebdyshjeje: o do t\u00eb transmetohej episodi vijues i dram\u00ebs s\u00eb Bosnj\u00eb-Hercegovin\u00ebs o do t\u00eb kishte shfaqje t\u00eb re, e cila do t\u00eb prishte skenarin serb, t\u00eb inskenuar m\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb Gadishullin e p\u00ebrgjakur Ballkanik.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

D\u00ebshtimi i Konferenc\u00ebs s\u00eb Rambujes\u00eb e p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsoi edhe m\u00eb tej gjendjen n\u00eb terren. Meq\u00eb konkurrenca gjeopolitike e superfuqive e paralizoi aktivizimin e mekanizmave t\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb p\u00ebr zgjidhjen e problemit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, at\u00ebher\u00eb NATO, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebanshme, vendosi t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhynte p\u00ebr ta ndaluar tragjedin\u00eb humanitare t\u00eb ushtruar nga aparati shtet\u00ebror i Serbis\u00eb, e cila, n\u00eb kuptimin e subjektivitetit n\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, ende b\u00ebnte pjes\u00eb n\u00eb Republik\u00ebn Federale t\u00eb Jugosllavis\u00eb. Dhe, v\u00ebrtet, mungesa e t\u00ebr\u00ebsishme e arsyes p\u00ebr aksione shfaros\u00ebse nga ana e regjimit t\u00eb Sllobodan Millosheviqit ishte e pajustifikueshme me \u00e7do lloj konvente nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe kund\u00ebr secil\u00ebs nd\u00ebrgjegje t\u00eb sh\u00ebndosh\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ngadh\u00ebnjimi i NATO-s i parapriu miratimit t\u00eb Rezolut\u00ebs 1244 n\u00eb K\u00ebshillin e Sigurimit (1999), me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn u vendos formimi i nj\u00eb autoriteti qeveris\u00ebs n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb me prezenc\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Konkretisht, kjo do t\u00eb shfaqej n\u00eb dy rrafshe: n\u00eb at\u00eb civil (UNMIK) dhe n\u00eb at\u00eb ushtarak (KFOR). Sikurse ky administrim nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, edhe akti bazik i rendit kushtetues q\u00eb quhej Korniza Kushtetuese,<\/em> ishte i karakterit kalimtar, me q\u00ebllim t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimit deri n\u00eb zgjidhjen e nj\u00eb statusi p\u00ebrfundimtar t\u00eb qen\u00ebsis\u00eb juridike t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Kjo periudh\u00eb paraqiste faz\u00ebn transitore t\u00eb vet\u00ebqeverisjes n\u00eb vend dhe vazhdoi deri n\u00eb shpalljen e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 2008, kur edhe shk\u00ebputet relacioni i rendit juridik t\u00eb UNMIK-ut, p\u00ebr t\u2019ia l\u00ebn\u00eb vendin rendit kushtetues t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dy keqkuptimet<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb e nevojshme q\u00eb, para s\u00eb gjithash, t\u00eb vihet theksi n\u00eb dy ngat\u00ebrrime t\u00eb b\u00ebra shpesh n\u00eb opinionin kosovar, q\u00eb nga komuniteti i jurist\u00ebve e deri tek analist\u00ebt politik\u00eb, lidhur me shpalljen e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe krijimin e shtetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

S\u00eb pari, Republika e Kosov\u00ebs u krijua formalisht m\u00eb 17 shkurt 2008, me leximin dhe votimin e Deklarat\u00ebs s\u00eb Pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb Kuvendin e Kosov\u00ebs dhe jo me kushtetut\u00ebn e Kosov\u00ebs, q\u00eb u nxor disa muaj m\u00eb von\u00eb, si\u00e7 ngjan t\u00eb pretendohet her\u00eb pas here. Zaten, njohjet e shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs e kan\u00eb pasuar Deklarat\u00ebn e Pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb, duke nisur q\u00eb dit\u00ebn e proklamimit t\u00eb saj. Prandaj, veshja e kushtetut\u00ebs me epitetin konstituiv t\u00eb shtetit n\u00eb rastin e Kosov\u00ebs, paraqet lajthim doktrinar e faktik. Dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, kushtetuta e ka organizuar shtetin, por akti i krijimit t\u00eb tij \u00ebsht\u00eb miratimi i Deklarat\u00ebs s\u00eb Pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

S\u00eb dyti, duhet potencuar nj\u00eb fakt, i cili, n\u00eb kushte normale politike, pa populiz\u00ebm artificial t\u00eb fryr\u00eb nga makineria mediale, as q\u00eb do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb b\u00ebhej tem\u00eb trajtimi: pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb nuk e ka shpallur kryeministri i at\u00ebhersh\u00ebm. Ai vet\u00ebm e ka lexuar Deklarat\u00ebn e Pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb. Bile, n\u00eb aspektin protokollar, \u00ebsht\u00eb e diskutueshme n\u00ebse kjo detyr\u00eb\/privilegj i ka takuar kryeministrit para Presidentit ose Kryetarit t\u00eb Kuvendit. Sidoqoft\u00eb, Deklarata e Pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb ka fituar fuqi juridike me t\u2019u votuar n\u00eb Kuvendin e Kosov\u00ebs, si organ p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues i popullit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kushtetutat dhe faktori nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Secili entitet q\u00eb m\u00ebton shtet\u00ebsin\u00eb, pas shpalljes s\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb, ka nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb nxjerr\u00eb nj\u00eb akt themelor mbi t\u00eb cilin do ta strukturoj\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsin\u00eb e vet organizative. Ky akt \u00ebsht\u00eb kushtetuta.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Procesi i hartimit t\u00eb kushtetutave \u00ebsht\u00eb tejet i mundimsh\u00ebm, sepse me k\u00ebt\u00eb nuk parakuptohet vet\u00ebm teknika e shkrimit t\u00eb tekstit kushtetues. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 vetis\u00eb q\u00eb kan\u00eb si akt juridik, kushtetutat e bartin tiparin e nj\u00eb dokumenti socio-politik, nj\u00eb themel mbi t\u00eb cilin nd\u00ebrtohet shteti dhe garantohen t\u00eb drejtat dhe lirit\u00eb themelore. Duke pasur nj\u00eb funksion t\u00eb shumansh\u00ebm, kushtetutat lypset t\u00eb hartohen me nj\u00eb kujdes t\u00eb shtuar, duke marr\u00eb parasysh dinamikat shoq\u00ebrore, politike e nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pushteti konstituiv origjinar, n\u00eb cil\u00ebsin\u00eb e nxjerrjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb kushtetute t\u00eb re, mund t\u00eb shfaqet n\u00eb disa m\u00ebnyra. Nj\u00ebra nd\u00ebr to \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe paraqitja e tij me asistimin e bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, si faktor n\u00eb zgjidhjen e \u00e7\u00ebshtjes n\u00eb fjal\u00eb. Por, pse ndodh kjo?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Historia ka provuar se disa popuj kan\u00eb kaluar peripeci shum\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnda n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjen p\u00ebr ta krijuar e konsoliduar shtetin e tyre. Natyrisht, ky synim nuk ka si t\u00eb mos shoq\u00ebrohet me procesin e kushtetut\u00ebb\u00ebrjes. Nj\u00eb vend mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb aren\u00eb e luft\u00ebs p\u00ebr nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb t\u00eb caktuar dhe, p\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb, mund t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb dora e sovranit aty. Po ashtu, mund t\u00eb plas\u00eb nj\u00eb luft\u00eb e brendshme civile dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbysen t\u00eb gjitha balancat sociale. K\u00ebso situatash imponojn\u00eb p\u00ebrveshjen e nj\u00eb nisme p\u00ebr nj\u00eb kushtetut\u00eb t\u00eb re, q\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte burim konsensual. P\u00ebr arsye t\u00eb tilla, mund t\u00eb vij\u00eb deri t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrja e faktorit t\u00eb huaj, i cili, n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebnies s\u00eb klim\u00ebs paq\u00ebsore, p\u00ebrpiqet ta fus\u00eb n\u00eb binar\u00eb jet\u00ebn politike dhe rregullimin shtet\u00ebror n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

K\u00ebshtu, me t\u00eb p\u00ebrfunduar Lufta e Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, shtetet humb\u00ebse iu rrek\u00ebn lentimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb identiteti kushtetues t\u00eb ri. P\u00ebr shembull, n\u00ebn monitorimin e aleat\u00ebve fitues, n\u00eb Gjermani u nxor Ligji Themeltar (1949), i cili ka sjell\u00eb mekanizma t\u00eb shumt\u00eb p\u00ebr parandalimin e nj\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritjeje t\u00eb mundshme t\u00eb nj\u00eb regjimi totalitar si ai i Hitlerit. Gjithashtu, n\u00eb Japoni qe hartuar Kushtetuta (1946) n\u00ebn mbik\u00ebqyrjen e gjeneralit amerikan Douglas A. MacArthur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Edhe n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb af\u00ebrt hasen raste ku ka qen\u00eb e pranishme tutela nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb procesin kushtetut\u00ebv\u00ebn\u00ebs. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, Afganistani (2004) dhe Iraku (2005) paraqesin shembuj di\u00e7 m\u00eb t\u00eb fresk\u00ebt nga kontinenti aziatik. N\u00eb Ballkan \u00ebsht\u00eb rasti i Bosnj\u00eb-Hercegovin\u00ebs, q\u00eb p\u00ebr kushtetut\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrkohshme e ka adoptuar aneksin e kat\u00ebrt t\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Dejtonit, t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruar m\u00eb 1995 n\u00eb Paris, si dhe rasti i Kosov\u00ebs, kur m\u00eb 2008 e p\u00ebrgatiti kushtetut\u00ebn n\u00eb koordinim me faktorin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe p\u00ebrcaktimin e Raportit t\u00eb Ahtisaari-t p\u00ebr formimin e nj\u00eb komisioni p\u00ebr draftimin e Kushtetut\u00ebs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kultura kushtetuese kruspull<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kur kushtetutat, si pakte sociale, p\u00ebrgatiten n\u00eb bashk\u00ebrendim me faktor\u00eb t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm, doemos do t\u00eb pranohen disa parime dhe standarde nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Para s\u00eb gjithash, pothuaj n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha rastet e krijimit t\u00eb kushtetutave n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn post-komuniste, jan\u00eb t\u00eb send\u00ebrtuara principet demokratike dhe ve\u00e7mas liberale, madje edhe n\u00eb mos qofshin t\u00eb pranueshme plot\u00ebsisht p\u00ebr mentalitetin e shoq\u00ebrive n\u00eb fjal\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb bot\u00ebn bashk\u00ebkohore pranohen disa parime themelore, q\u00eb duhet t\u2019i p\u00ebrmbaj\u00eb secila kushtetut\u00eb. P\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht, ato mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrmblidhen si: ep\u00ebrsia e kushtetut\u00ebs, ndarja e pushteteve, shteti i s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs, garantimi i t\u00eb drejtave dhe lirive themelore, pavar\u00ebsia e gjyq\u00ebsorit<\/em> etj. Q\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto i kontribuojn\u00eb sistemit t\u00eb nj\u00eb demokracie pluraliste t\u00eb form\u00ebsuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri kolorite n\u00eb aspektin etnik, racor, fetar a ideologjik. Pik\u00ebrisht ky \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00ebllimi edhe i Kushtetut\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, e cila paraqet nj\u00eb shembull sui generis<\/em> t\u00eb nxitjes p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb e komuniteteve joshumic\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Megjithat\u00eb, jo rrall\u00ebher\u00eb ndodhin abuzime me kushtetut\u00ebn. Q\u00eb nga etapa embrionale e shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb, Kosova ka probleme serioze me shtrirjen e sovranitetit t\u00eb saj n\u00eb veriun e vendit. Komuniteti serb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i integruar n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb kosovare. Pjesa d\u00ebrrmuese e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesve t\u00eb k\u00ebtij komuniteti n\u00eb institucionet shtet\u00ebrore t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs jan\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrvarur nga direktivat e Beogradit, gjersa dihet mir\u00ebfilli se Beogradi punon kund\u00ebr fuqizimit t\u00eb shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Komunitetet e tjera etnike pakic\u00eb r\u00ebndom b\u00ebhen paterica p\u00ebr qeverit\u00eb e gjymta, sa p\u00ebr t\u2019iu qasur p\u00ebrfitimeve q\u00eb i ofron rehatia e t\u00eb qenit n\u00eb pushtet.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

P\u00ebrvjetori i nj\u00ebzet\u00eb i \u00e7lirimit e gjen Kosov\u00ebn edhe me qeverin\u00eb me numrin m\u00eb t\u00eb madh t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebve. P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr buxhetit t\u00eb vobekt\u00eb, kabineti qeveritar num\u00ebron mbi nj\u00ebqind an\u00ebtar\u00eb. Shto k\u00ebtu edhe numrin e stafit p\u00ebrcjell\u00ebs, si k\u00ebshilltar\u00ebt, asistent\u00ebt e shofer\u00ebt, pastaj m\u00ebditjet e darkat, qeveria shnd\u00ebrrohet nga bart\u00ebs i nevojave t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve n\u00eb barr\u00eb p\u00ebr qytetar\u00ebt. Krejt kjo nga zyrtar\u00ebt \u201carsyetohet\u201d me pretekstin se kushtetuta nuk e pask\u00ebsh p\u00ebrcaktuar nivelin maksimal t\u00eb numrit t\u00eb ministrive e t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb dhe se ende nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nxjerr\u00eb nj\u00eb ligj p\u00ebrkat\u00ebs q\u00eb do ta rregulluaka k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje! Ky shembull mund ta ilustroj\u00eb zhvillimin e kultur\u00ebs kushtetuese n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Zbatimi i ligjit \u00ebsht\u00eb koklavitje, per se<\/em>. Korrupsioni dhe krimi i organizuar akoma e ruajn\u00eb stadin e lart\u00eb t\u00eb funksionimit dhe kjo shprehet haptazi n\u00eb raportet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. S\u00eb k\u00ebndejmi, Raporti i Progresit i vitit 2018 p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn, i p\u00ebrpiluar nga Komisionit Evropian, shprehimisht ka potencuar se \u201cKosova ka arritur pak progres sa i p\u00ebrket historis\u00eb s\u00eb vazhdueshme t\u00eb hetimit dhe ndjekjes p\u00ebr raste t\u00eb korrupsionit dhe krimit t\u00eb organizuar n\u00eb nivel t\u00eb lart\u00eb, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb d\u00ebnimet p\u00ebrfundimtare. \u00cbsht\u00eb arritur progres edhe n\u00eb konfiskimin preliminar t\u00eb pasurive, edhe pse konfiskimi p\u00ebrfundimtar mbetet i ul\u00ebt. Korrupsioni \u00ebsht\u00eb gjer\u00eb i p\u00ebrhapur, si dhe mbetet \u00e7\u00ebshtje brengos\u00ebse<\/em>\u201d.(https:\/\/www.mei-ks.net\/repository\/docs\/kosovo_report_2018_shqip.pdf.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I njohur n\u00eb teori si pushteti i tret\u00eb<\/em>, gjyq\u00ebsori \u00ebsht\u00eb garanci m\u00eb vete se nuk do t\u00eb lejohet arbitrariteti dhe se e drejta do t\u00eb jet\u00eb triumfuese pavar\u00ebsisht p\u00ebr k\u00eb dhe ndaj kujt. Ndon\u00ebse ky shkruhet si nj\u00eb idil n\u00eb let\u00ebr dhe nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithaq leht\u00eb i realizuesh\u00ebm, prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb nuk duhet par\u00eb si utopi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nd\u00ebr mallkimet q\u00eb mund t\u2019i ngjaj\u00eb nj\u00eb shteti \u00ebsht\u00eb kur shtetasit e humbin besimin n\u00eb funksionimin e sistemit t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb. Aktualisht, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb gjendja e shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb popullit. Nuk ka dyshim se t\u00eb fuqishmit e gjejn\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn t\u2019i p\u00ebrvidhen drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, kurse qytetar\u00ebt e zakonsh\u00ebm vuajn\u00eb n\u00eb procese t\u00eb tejzgjatura gjyq\u00ebsore, madje p\u00ebr vepra penale shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb lehta. Kjo e rr\u00ebnon edhe konceptin e barazis\u00eb para ligjit. Lidhur me k\u00ebt\u00eb problem, Raporti i lartcekur i Komisionit Evropian ka theksuar q\u00eb \u201cGjyq\u00ebsori \u00ebsht\u00eb ende i n\u00ebnshtruesh\u00ebm ndaj ndikimit politik dhe institucionet e sundimit t\u00eb ligjit kan\u00eb nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr p\u00ebrpjekje m\u00eb t\u00eb forta p\u00ebr t\u00eb zhvilluar kapacitetet e tyre<\/em>.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kuptohet, se padrejt\u00ebsia mund t\u00eb haset si n\u00eb vendet e fuqishme, ashtu edhe n\u00eb ato m\u00eb pak t\u00eb zhvilluara. Mir\u00ebpo, nuk duhet lejuar q\u00eb ajo ta krijoj\u00eb shtetin e vet. N\u00ebse arrin ta b\u00ebj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb, p\u00ebrmbyset gjith\u00e7ka.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Tash do t\u00eb hyjm\u00eb n\u00eb dhjet\u00ebvjet\u00ebshin e tret\u00eb q\u00ebkur pranuam dhurat\u00ebn e pa\u00e7muar q\u00eb na e b\u00ebn\u00eb miqt\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb: lirin\u00eb<\/em>. E di\u00e7ka q\u00eb na duhet cep m\u00eb cep mendjes: jo m\u00eb dekada t\u00eb reja me mend\u00ebsi t\u00eb vjetra!<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Ngadh\u00ebnjimi i NATO-s i parapriu miratimit t\u00eb Rezolut\u00ebs 1244 n\u00eb K\u00ebshillin e Sigurimit (1999), me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn u vendos formimi i nj\u00eb autoriteti qeveris\u00ebs n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb me prezenc\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Konkretisht,…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":27568,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-27567","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinionanaliza"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/27567"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=27567"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/27567\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":27576,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/27567\/revisions\/27576"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/27568"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=27567"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=27567"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=27567"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}