{"id":38006,"date":"2022-03-16T08:24:33","date_gmt":"2022-03-16T07:24:33","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/shekulliagency.com\/?p=38006"},"modified":"2022-03-16T08:24:35","modified_gmt":"2022-03-16T07:24:35","slug":"kthimi-kah-lindja-rusia-perendimi-dhe-lindja-e-shekullit-kinez","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/?p=38006","title":{"rendered":"“Kthimi kah Lindja”: Rusia, Per\u00ebndimi dhe lindja e Shekullit Kinez"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
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P\u00ebrpjekja e Per\u00ebndimit p\u00ebr t\u00eb margjinalizuar Rusin\u00eb dhe p\u00ebr ta d\u00ebbuar at\u00eb nga marr\u00ebveshjet ekonomike per\u00ebndimore mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb sukses. Megjithat\u00eb, nj\u00eb Rusie m\u00eb t\u00eb dob\u00ebt nuk do t’i mbetej tjet\u00ebr ve\u00e7se t\u00eb p\u00ebrqafonte Kin\u00ebn. Nd\u00ebrsa kjo do ta ndihmonte Kin\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur mbizot\u00ebrimin global n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

“Kthimi kah Lindja” dhe kufijt\u00eb e saj<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

“Kthimi kah Lindja” (Povorot k Vostoku) ishte nj\u00eb broshur\u00eb e vog\u00ebl e botuar pothuajse 100 vjet m\u00eb par\u00eb nga nj\u00eb emigrant rus. Kjo e lansoi at\u00eb q\u00eb quhet “Euroazianiz\u00ebm”. P\u00ebrkrah\u00ebsit e saj besonin se Rusia nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb as qytet\u00ebrim sllav (qendra e sllavofil\u00ebve) dhe as i p\u00ebrket Per\u00ebndimit, si\u00e7 besonin per\u00ebndimor\u00ebt. N\u00eb k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimin e euroazianist\u00ebve, Rusia \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb qytet\u00ebrim unik i bazuar kryesisht n\u00eb “simbioz\u00ebn” e sllav\u00ebve ortodoks\u00eb dhe turqve musliman\u00eb. Euroazianizmi ishte, n\u00eb nj\u00eb far\u00eb m\u00ebnyre, nj\u00eb pasqyrim i ideologjis\u00eb sovjetike, e cila theksonte dukurin\u00eb e “popullit multietnik sovjetik”, nj\u00eb kuazi-komb t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Euroazianizmi, kryesisht i panjohur gjat\u00eb epok\u00ebs sovjetike, u b\u00eb mjaft i popullarizuar n\u00eb fund t\u00eb epok\u00ebs sovjetike dhe n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb regjimit post-sovjetik. Dikush mund t\u00eb supozoj\u00eb se “Eurazianizmi” ishte i orientuar nga Azia. Megjithat\u00eb, euroazianist\u00ebt, me gjith\u00eb mosp\u00eblqimin e tyre p\u00ebr Per\u00ebndimin dhe vler\u00ebsimin e popullit turk t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb\/BRSS, nuk kan\u00eb qen\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb interesuar p\u00ebr Kin\u00ebn. Zakonisht \u00ebsht\u00eb injoruar ose par\u00eb si nj\u00eb forc\u00eb armiq\u00ebsore. N\u00eb fakt, kthesa e Rusis\u00eb drejt Lindjes ka qen\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb e kufizuar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Limiti i t\u00ebrheqjes s\u00eb Kin\u00ebs<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, gjat\u00eb pjes\u00ebs m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb historis\u00eb sovjetike t\u00eb pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, Kina dhe BRSS ishin armiq t\u00eb p\u00ebrbetuar, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht pas vizit\u00ebs s\u00eb presidentit amerikan Nixon n\u00eb Pekin. Nga fundi i epok\u00ebs sovjetike, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet midis Pekinit dhe Mosk\u00ebs u rivendos\u00ebn nd\u00ebrsa filloi edhe tregtia. Ishte ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht aktive n\u00eb Lindjen e Larg\u00ebt Ruse. Megjithat\u00eb, afrimi i Mosk\u00ebs me Pekinin ishte i ngadalsh\u00ebm dhe ngurrues. Kishte disa arsye p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Si fillim, elita post-sovjetike n\u00eb zhvillim, si manjat\u00ebt jasht\u00ebzakonisht t\u00eb pasur, ashtu dhe klasa e mesme, i trembeshin modelit totalitar kinez, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin vet\u00eb natyra e pron\u00ebs private nuk ekziston dhe i deklaruari vazhdon t\u00eb jet\u00eb pronari i fundit, i cili pengon “simbioz\u00ebn” midis manjat\u00ebve dhe burokracis\u00eb. Ky ishte modeli i funksionimit n\u00eb Rusin\u00eb post-sovjetike, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht pas ngritjes s\u00eb Putinit. Shum\u00eb manjat\u00eb dhe an\u00ebtar\u00eb t\u00eb klas\u00ebs s\u00eb mesme t\u00eb prosperuar nuk ishin rahat p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb e pasuris\u00eb s\u00eb tyre. Pavar\u00ebsisht k\u00ebsaj, ata investuan fondet e tyre n\u00eb prona n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim, ku supozuan se parat\u00eb dhe prona e tyre do t\u00eb ishin t\u00eb sigurta.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, shum\u00eb prej tyre ishin student\u00eb gjat\u00eb epok\u00ebs sovjetike dhe lektor\u00ebt e tyre sovjetik\u00eb u than\u00eb atyre se prona private ishte “e shenjt\u00eb” n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim, si\u00e7 kishte th\u00ebn\u00eb dikur Karl Marksi. Ata do ta kishin kuptuar se sa gabim kishte Marksi koh\u00ebt e fundit. Si p\u00ebr elit\u00ebn ashtu edhe p\u00ebr masat, Kina nuk mund t\u00eb siguronte nj\u00eb jet\u00eb komode, t\u00eb ngjashme me stilin e jetes\u00ebs s\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit. Ata donin t\u00eb jetonin n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb, n\u00ebse jo n\u00eb SHBA, imazhi i s\u00eb cil\u00ebs filloi t\u00eb ngrihej shum\u00eb koh\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb. Kishte gjithashtu stereotipe racore, kulturore dhe historike. N\u00eb mendjet e shum\u00eb rus\u00ebve, kinez\u00ebt kishin lidhje me barbar\u00ebt aziatik\u00eb, si mongol\u00ebt, pushtimi shkat\u00ebrrues i t\u00eb cil\u00ebve n\u00eb shekullin e 13-t\u00eb kishte \u00e7uar n\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb historiografia ruse e quajti “zgjedha tatare-mongole”. Kjo zgjati p\u00ebr 250 vjet dhe \u00e7oi, pohuan shumica e historian\u00ebve rus\u00eb, n\u00eb degradimin e vendit dhe n\u00eb r\u00ebnien prapa Per\u00ebndimit t\u00eb p\u00ebrparuar, i cili kishte t\u00ebrhequr elit\u00ebn ruse q\u00eb nga shekulli i 18-t\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ky imazh i Kin\u00ebs ishte p\u00ebrhapur gjer\u00ebsisht n\u00eb mesin e disident\u00ebve sovjetik\u00eb t\u00eb epok\u00ebs s\u00eb von\u00eb t\u00eb Brezhnevit, si\u00e7 d\u00ebshmojn\u00eb shkrimet e Andrei Amalrik. Liberal\u00ebt rus\u00eb pro-per\u00ebndimor\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt kishin dal\u00eb si forca kryesore intelektuale dhe kulturore pas r\u00ebnies s\u00eb BRSS-s\u00eb, kryesisht pajtoheshin me imazhin e Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb diskursin per\u00ebndimor, zakonisht at\u00eb amerikan, i cili vazhdimisht pretendonte se sistemi totalitar i Kin\u00ebs ishte absolutisht jofunksional dhe se vendi nuk kishte t\u00eb ardhme.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Disa shkrimtar\u00eb rus\u00eb paraqit\u00ebn nj\u00eb vizion alternativ t\u00eb historis\u00eb, ku Kina luante nj\u00eb rol udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs n\u00eb fatin rus. Ky ishte rasti me shkrimtarin rus Viacheslav Rybakov, i cili p\u00ebrdorte em\u00ebrtimin VanZaichik. N\u00eb romanet e tij, Rusia b\u00ebhet pjes\u00eb e perandoris\u00eb kineze, e cila u shnd\u00ebrrua n\u00eb Ordussia (nj\u00eb p\u00ebrzierje e emrave Horde dhe Rusia). Prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb, ky roman ishte nj\u00eb “kitch” i ve\u00e7ant\u00eb letrar, apo parodi, dhe jo nj\u00eb program politik. Megjithat\u00eb, pavar\u00ebsisht d\u00ebshir\u00ebs p\u00ebr t’u distancuar nga Kina t\u00eb elit\u00ebs ruse dhe masave, n\u00eb shumic\u00ebn rasteve, Rusia filloi t\u00eb ndjej\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb gravitacionin ekonomik t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs, kryesisht p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb problemeve q\u00eb kishte p\u00ebrjetuar n\u00eb rritjen e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve me Per\u00ebndimin.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Shtytja ekonomike e Kin\u00ebs dhe pasojat e saj<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb fillim t\u00eb epok\u00ebs post-sovjetike, Rusia ende besonte se Pekini do t\u00eb ket\u00eb shum\u00eb nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr Mosk\u00ebn. N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, Rusia filloi t’i shes\u00eb arm\u00eb Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb vitet 1990. Megjithat\u00eb, me kalimin e koh\u00ebs, Kina dukej se ishte gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb pak e varur nga arm\u00ebt ruse. Tregtia me Lindjen e Larg\u00ebt u intensifikua. Megjithat\u00eb, kjo rriti var\u00ebsin\u00eb e rajonit nga Kina dhe krijoi potencialin p\u00ebr shk\u00ebputjen e rajonit nga Federata Ruse.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Megjithat\u00eb, Moska nuk kishte investuar shum\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb zon\u00eb, pavar\u00ebsisht bisedimeve t\u00eb shumta. Paaft\u00ebsia n\u00eb rritje e Mosk\u00ebs p\u00ebr t’u \u00e7liruar nga t\u00ebrheqja gravitacionale e Pekinit mund t\u00eb shihet mir\u00eb n\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjet e gazit. Moska u angazhua n\u00eb negociata me Pekinin, lidhur me marr\u00ebveshjet e gazit shum\u00eb koh\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, Pekini nuk ishte i gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb paguante t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin \u00e7mim si klient\u00ebt evropian\u00eb dhe bisedimet nuk \u00e7uan askund.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Konflikti rus me Ukrain\u00ebn dhe aneksimi i Krimes\u00eb ndryshuan gjith\u00e7ka. Duke ndjer\u00eb problemin me Per\u00ebndimin, Putini pranoi menj\u00ebher\u00eb kushtet e Kin\u00ebs t\u00eb vitit 2014. “Fuqia e Siberis\u00eb”, gazsjell\u00ebsi gjigant, ishte nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarrje masive dhe e shtrenjt\u00eb nd\u00ebrsa disa ekspert\u00eb ishin t\u00eb mendimit se Gazprom, kompania m\u00eb e madhe ruse e gazit, nuk do t\u00eb arrinte kurr\u00eb fitim. Linja e gazit ishte nj\u00eb fitore e qart\u00eb p\u00ebr Kin\u00ebn: jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb mori nj\u00eb burim t\u00eb lir\u00eb dhe t\u00eb q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm gazi, por kjo e b\u00ebri furnizimin e saj t\u00eb sigurt n\u00eb rast konflikti me SHBA-n\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Var\u00ebsia ekonomike nga Kina me kalimin e koh\u00ebs u b\u00eb edhe m\u00eb e dukshme. Nd\u00ebrsa nisja e “Rrjedh\u00ebs Veriore 2” u b\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb e pamundur, nd\u00ebrkaq Putini planifikoi pushtimin e Ukrain\u00ebs, tregu kinez u b\u00eb edhe m\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm p\u00ebr Mosk\u00ebn.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Para luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb, Putini vizitoi Kin\u00ebn dhe siguroi nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje p\u00ebr nj\u00eb linj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr gazi. Putin sigurisht supozoi se nd\u00ebrhyrja ushtarake n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb sulm i shpejt\u00eb dhe i leht\u00eb, duke u bazuar n\u00eb modelin e luft\u00ebrave n\u00eb 2008 dhe 2014 nd\u00ebrsa ai po ashtu besonte se Per\u00ebndimi do t\u00eb ishte ende i interesuar p\u00ebr gazin rus. Megjithat\u00eb, gjith\u00e7ka shkoi keq. Lufta u kthye n\u00eb nj\u00eb konflikt t\u00eb zgjatur dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjaksh\u00ebm, e cila \u00e7oi n\u00eb d\u00ebbimin praktik t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb nga ekonomia per\u00ebndimore. Kina po shfaqet k\u00ebtu jo vet\u00ebm si tregu kryesor, por ndoshta i vetmi, jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr gazin, por edhe p\u00ebr gjith\u00e7ka tjet\u00ebr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, Kina mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb vendi i vet\u00ebm, sistemi financiar i t\u00eb cilit mund t\u00eb lidhet me rrjetin financiar t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb. N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, pasi Visa dhe organizata t\u00eb tjera financiare i dhan\u00eb fund angazhimit t\u00eb tyre n\u00eb Rusi, kompanit\u00eb kineze kan\u00eb propozuar z\u00ebvend\u00ebsime. Pranimi dhe p\u00ebrhapja e kartave kreditore kineze mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm implikime ekonomike, integrimi gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb i madh i Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb komunitetin ekonomik kinez, por edhe nj\u00eb ndikim kulturor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Lindja e “Ordusis\u00eb” dhe shekulli aziatik<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Udh\u00ebtimi n\u00eb vendet evropiane po b\u00ebhet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb i nd\u00ebrlikuar, jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb problemeve t\u00eb vizave t\u00eb hyrjes, por edhe p\u00ebr shkak se kartat kreditore kineze nuk pranohen n\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e vendeve n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, rus\u00ebt mund t\u00eb vizitojn\u00eb leht\u00ebsisht Kin\u00ebn dhe vende t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb cilat varen gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb nga angazhimi ekonomik i Kin\u00ebs, si Irani.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Student\u00ebt rus\u00eb mund t\u00eb shohin se nd\u00ebrsa refuzohen nga universitetet per\u00ebndimore, ata do t\u00eb mir\u00ebpriten nga ato kineze, si dhe n\u00ebse ky proces i ekspozimit ndaj Kin\u00ebs ose Orientit n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi do t\u00eb vazhdonte p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb, kultura ruse mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrjetonte nj\u00eb ndryshim thelb\u00ebsor: jo vet\u00ebm trash\u00ebgimia e Pjetrit t\u00eb Madh, perandorit pro per\u00ebndimor, por edhe “Euroazianizmi\u201d ose sovjetizmi, me centrizmin e saj t\u00eb fsheht\u00eb rus, do t\u00eb shlyhej, ose t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn do t\u00eb deformohej n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb dramatike dhe do t\u00eb lindte \u201cOrdussia\u201d kinocentrike, jo si nj\u00eb loj\u00eb letrare e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb postmoderniste por si nj\u00eb realitet politik.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Paraqitja e Rusis\u00eb si “v\u00ebllai i vog\u00ebl”, por kryesor i Mbret\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb Mesme, n\u00eb planin afatgjat\u00eb, mund t\u00eb zbuloj\u00eb paradoksin e Weltgeist (shpirti i historis\u00eb). Duke p\u00ebrsh\u00ebndetur r\u00ebnien e BRSS-s\u00eb dhe margjinalizimin e Rusis\u00eb post-sovjetike, elitat per\u00ebndimore, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht ato amerikane besojn\u00eb se e gjith\u00eb kjo do t\u00eb siguronte dominimin e p\u00ebrhersh\u00ebm global t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit. Di\u00e7ka tjet\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb duke ndodhur: Me shmangien e perandoris\u00eb “euroaziane” ose ruse nga pozicioni i saj si nj\u00eb lojtar global, Per\u00ebndimi i ka hequr Kin\u00ebs kund\u00ebrpesh\u00ebn kontinentale duke i siguruar mbizot\u00ebrim global t\u00eb Mbret\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb Mesme n\u00eb nj\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen jo shum\u00eb t\u00eb larg\u00ebt.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

*Autori i tekstit, Dmitry V. Shlapentokh, \u00ebsht\u00eb profesor i asociuar i historis\u00eb n\u00eb Universitetin e Indian\u00ebs, South Bend.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Anadolu Agency <\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

P\u00ebrpjekja e Per\u00ebndimit p\u00ebr t\u00eb margjinalizuar Rusin\u00eb dhe p\u00ebr ta d\u00ebbuar at\u00eb nga marr\u00ebveshjet ekonomike per\u00ebndimore mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb sukses. Megjithat\u00eb, nj\u00eb Rusie m\u00eb t\u00eb dob\u00ebt nuk do t’i mbetej…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":38007,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-38006","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinionanaliza"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/38006"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=38006"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/38006\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":38008,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/38006\/revisions\/38008"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/38007"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=38006"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=38006"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=38006"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}