{"id":8085,"date":"2016-02-26T13:24:51","date_gmt":"2016-02-26T12:24:51","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/shekulliagency.com\/?p=8085"},"modified":"2016-02-26T18:27:11","modified_gmt":"2016-02-26T17:27:11","slug":"demokracia-dhe-autokracite-ne-ballkanin-perendimor","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/?p=8085","title":{"rendered":"Demokracia dhe autokracit\u00eb n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"Arber-zaimi-111\"<\/a>Shkruan: Arb\u00ebr Zaimi<\/strong><\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb lloj specifik autokracie \u00ebsht\u00eb instaluar gradualisht n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb e dukshme pas d\u00ebshtimit t\u00eb eksperimentimit relativisht t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr me pluralizmin, i cili mbajti mask\u00ebn e demokracis\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb, edhe pse s\u2019ishte gj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr, ve\u00e7se nj\u00eb si motor rotativ, q\u00eb sillte n\u00eb fuqi her\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn e her\u00eb tjetr\u00ebn pal\u00eb, thjesht sa p\u00ebr t\u00eb menaxhuar shtetin dhe privatizimin e tij.<\/p>\n

Shembulli m\u00eb tipik i k\u00ebsaj \u201clodhje\u201d me pluralizmin rotativ \u00ebsht\u00eb republika e vog\u00ebl e Malit t\u00eb Zi. Gjat\u00eb 25 viteve pas r\u00ebnies s\u00eb regjimeve lindore dhe pas instaurimit t\u00eb zgjedhjeve t\u00eb lira, n\u00eb 21 prej k\u00ebtyre viteve Millo Gjukanoviq ka qen\u00eb ose kryeminist\u00ebr ose president. Partia e tij, e quajtur Partia Demokratike e Socialist\u00ebve t\u00eb Malit t\u00eb Zi, g\u00ebzon nj\u00eb pushtet thuajse t\u00eb patundsh\u00ebm, gjithnj\u00eb e aft\u00eb t\u00eb fraksionoj\u00eb opozitar\u00ebt e t\u00eb luaj\u00eb me politika identitare, duke marr\u00eb n\u00eb koalicion parti nga gjith\u00eb spektri e nga t\u00eb gjitha etnit\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb fillim t\u00eb viteve 2000 rrall\u00ebkush mendonte se Mali i Zi do t\u00eb b\u00ebhej ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb model p\u00ebr fqinj\u00ebt e vet. Por, fal\u00eb integrimit t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb t\u00eb n\u00ebntok\u00ebs ballkanike, interesat e karteleve kriminale, t\u00eb pastrimit t\u00eb parave, t\u00eb kontrabandave e t\u00eb trafiqeve, u arrit t\u00eb trafikohej nd\u00ebr t\u00eb tjera edhe p\u00ebrvoja e Millos. Cila \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo?<\/p>\n

N\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb mbajturit e pushtetit p\u00ebrmes klientel\u00ebs, kapjes s\u00eb shtetit dhe v\u00ebnies s\u00eb tij n\u00eb p\u00ebrdorim t\u00eb oligark\u00ebve, por edhe p\u00ebrmes kontrollit t\u00eb elektoratit, p\u00ebrmes shp\u00ebrndarjes s\u00eb vendeve t\u00eb pun\u00ebs n\u00eb administrat\u00eb publike (ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb edhe n\u00eb kompani private) si \u201cshp\u00ebrblim\u201d p\u00ebr nj\u00eb num\u00ebr t\u00eb caktuar votash, por edhe p\u00ebrmes p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb buxhetit publik p\u00ebr t\u00eb financuar ligj\u00ebrisht ose jo aktivitete elektorale, lobing e marketing politik dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb dob\u00ebsuar kund\u00ebrshtarin, pastaj duke e konsideruar publiken si tort\u00eb q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb ndahet te rrethi i par\u00eb i oligark\u00ebve mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebs, si edhe p\u00ebrmes kontrollit t\u00ebr\u00ebsor t\u00eb publikes prej privates dhe transferimin e disa atributeve t\u00eb shtetit, nd\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat edhe legjitimitetin e dhun\u00ebs, tek korporata private.<\/p>\n

Nga ana tjet\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrqafimi pa kusht i europianizmit dhe i euroatlantizmit si ideologji, diskursi i pand\u00ebrprer\u00eb dhe i pam\u00ebshirsh\u00ebm kund\u00ebr korrupsionit, ankesat e pandalshme se si shteti nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb efikas, se si publikja d\u00ebshton dhe, p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, nevojiten privatizime, koncesione, partneritete publike-private. K\u00ebtu vjen edhe p\u00ebrpjekja p\u00ebr t\u00eb t\u00ebrhequr investitor\u00eb t\u00eb huaj, hapja p\u00ebr k\u00ebshillim t\u00eb vazhduesh\u00ebm prej ambasador\u00ebve e misionar\u00ebve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb, si dhe hapja p\u00ebr reforma elektorale, gjyq\u00ebsore, fiskale e ligjore sa her\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb nevojitet. E pse jo vall\u00eb? A thua ekziston sistemi i ligjit q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i pathyesh\u00ebm? A nuk e lind secili sistem ligjor trasgresionin dhe n\u00ebntok\u00ebn e vet?<\/p>\n

Si efekt an\u00ebsor q\u00eb i fal p\u00ebrfitime k\u00ebsaj metode prodhohet shkat\u00ebrrimi i kultur\u00ebs komunitare. Destituimi i shkollave e i sh\u00ebrbimeve publike, shp\u00ebrndarja e injoranc\u00ebs dhe e varf\u00ebris\u00eb, jan\u00eb gj\u00ebra q\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb q\u00eb komunitetet t\u00eb kthehen n\u00eb streh\u00ebt e tyre antike, tek identiteti ngusht\u00ebsisht etnik, religjioz, dialektor apo krahinor, madje gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shpesh k\u00ebrkohet solidariteti edhe tek fisi e tek familja, meqen\u00ebse ombrellat e m\u00ebdha t\u00eb solidaritetit, republika, demokracia, shteti social etj. d\u00ebshtuan para se t\u00eb lindnin. Pra, rikrijohet nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri e st\u00ebrfraksionuar, disfunksionale, stagnante, t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht konservatore, ku identitetet jan\u00eb vazhdimisht t\u00eb mbipolitizuara ose politika e mbiidentitarizuar dhe n\u00eb tension t\u00eb vazhduesh\u00ebm. Ky tension i st\u00ebrfryr\u00eb identitar e prodhon situat\u00ebn e pamund\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb nj\u00eb opozite t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb. Neoliberalizmi ballkanas k\u00ebshtu prodhon neokonservatorizmin e vet, q\u00eb i sh\u00ebrben si beton i fort\u00eb p\u00ebr themelet e veta.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vjesht\u00ebn e 2016 n\u00eb Mal t\u00eb Zi do t\u00eb ket\u00eb zgjedhje. N\u00ebse do ta p\u00ebrdorim nocionin kantian p\u00ebr shpres\u00ebn, do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb flisnim p\u00ebr shpres\u00eb vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr at\u00eb gj\u00eb q\u00eb i ka t\u00eb pap\u00ebrcaktuara zhvillimet, pra q\u00eb e ka nj\u00eb rezultat t\u00eb panjohur. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aspekt, shpres\u00eb p\u00ebr fitimtarin e zgjedhjeve nuk ka. Dihet prej t\u00eb gjith\u00ebve se do t\u00eb jet\u00eb PDS-ja e Gjukanoviqit. Shpresa e vetme \u00ebsht\u00eb se cilin do t\u00eb marr\u00eb Gjukanoviqi n\u00eb koalicion k\u00ebsaj radhe. Dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, cil\u00ebt boshnjak\u00eb, cil\u00ebt serb\u00eb, cil\u00ebt kroat\u00eb e cil\u00ebt shqiptar\u00eb? Cil\u00ebt jugonostalgjik\u00eb, cil\u00ebt proto-fashist\u00eb, cil\u00ebt religjioz\u00eb e cil\u00ebt radikal\u00eb? Gar\u00eb e madhe p\u00ebr nj\u00eb vend t\u00eb vog\u00ebl\u2026<\/p>\n

N\u00eb regjion n\u00eb vitin 2016 do t\u00eb mbahen zgjedhje t\u00eb parakohshme edhe n\u00eb Maqedoni, por n\u00eb pranver\u00eb. K\u00ebto zgjedhje u prodhuan prej protestave t\u00eb m\u00ebdha t\u00eb organizuara disa nga LSDM-ja dhe disa nga l\u00ebvizje qytetare shqiptare (por pa u p\u00ebrzier me nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebn). Vitin e shkuar stabiliteti politik i Maqedonis\u00eb u trondit sa nga publikimi i p\u00ebrgjimeve t\u00eb zyrtar\u00ebve t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb Gruevski-Ahmeti, sa nga ngjarja e majit n\u00eb Kumanov\u00eb, e cila pati p\u00ebrfundim tragjik.<\/p>\n

Por, Gruevski s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb i ndrysh\u00ebm nga Gjukanoviqi. Ai e kontrollon pun\u00ebsimin n\u00eb administrat\u00ebn publike, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetet n\u00eb nj\u00eb rrjet oligark\u00ebsh. P\u00ebrgjimet kan\u00eb treguar se si ka qen\u00eb ai n\u00eb gjendje ta menaxhoj\u00eb pjes\u00ebn shqiptare t\u00eb elektoratit, p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb loje t\u00eb organizuar mes BDI-s\u00eb dhe PDSH-s\u00eb. P\u00ebrmes politikave t\u00eb tij diskriminuese etnike ai ka prodhuar nj\u00eb republik\u00eb me dy standarde. Shqiptar\u00ebt (t\u00eb cil\u00ebt nuk jan\u00eb minoritet n\u00eb Maqedoni, por popull shtetformues) diskriminohen n\u00eb investime, infrastruktur\u00eb, praktik\u00eb institucionale e administrative, pun\u00ebsim dhe n\u00eb gjykim. Por, kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ndonj\u00eb sfid\u00eb e madhe p\u00ebr Gruevskin. P\u00ebrmes politikave policore, p\u00ebrmes forcimit t\u00eb frik\u00ebs, p\u00ebrgjimeve e p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimeve t\u00eb inteligjenc\u00ebs, ai ka mb\u00ebrritur \u2013 jo t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb konsensus rreth vetes, por t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrroj\u00eb disensusin ose organizimin e kund\u00ebrshtive ndaj tij.<\/p>\n

Edhe n\u00eb rastin e dyshes Gruevski-Ahmeti duket se zgjedhjet nuk do t\u00eb sjellin ndryshime. Martesa e tyre duket se edhe k\u00ebsaj radhe do t\u00eb dal\u00eb fitimtare. LSDM-ja opozitare nuk mb\u00ebrriti t\u00eb jet\u00eb e hapur sa duhet me shqiptar\u00ebt dhe n\u00eb fund nuk i publikoi p\u00ebrgjimet e shum\u00ebpritura p\u00ebr rastin \u201cMonstra\u201d, t\u00eb cilat pritej t\u00eb zbulonin se sa t\u00eb implikuar kan\u00eb qen\u00eb qeveritar\u00ebt n\u00eb montimin e gjykimeve diskriminuese ndaj shqiptar\u00ebve n\u00eb Gjykatat e Maqedonis\u00eb. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, LSDM-ja nuk ofron as p\u00ebr maqedonasit ndonj\u00eb arsye se pse ta braktisin VMRO-n\u00eb. LSDM-ja \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb VMRO \u201clight\u201d, ashtu si vet\u00eb Zaevi, q\u00eb nuk premton t\u00eb jet\u00eb shum\u00eb ndryshe nga Gruevski, por ndoshta m\u00eb pak brutal.<\/p>\n

E nj\u00ebjta gj\u00eb mund t\u00eb thuhet edhe p\u00ebr opozit\u00ebn shqiptare ndaj Ahmetit (Gruevskit). Ata ende nuk kan\u00eb mb\u00ebrritur t\u00eb bashkohen rreth nj\u00eb alternative, por mbeten t\u00eb ndar\u00eb n\u00eb disa parti. Edhe pse suksesi i tyre do t\u00eb ishte i mir\u00ebpritur, p\u00ebr\u00e7arja e ndarja rreth interesave specifike n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb ia forcon pozitat Ahmetit, i cili edhe ashtu \u00ebsht\u00eb i fort\u00eb, pasi \u2013 p\u00ebrmes kontrollimit t\u00eb instrumentit t\u00eb pun\u00ebsimit t\u00eb prodhuar nga Marr\u00ebveshja e Ohrit \u2013 ka mb\u00ebrritur t\u00eb shtjer\u00eb n\u00eb kontroll thuajse t\u00eb gjith\u00eb t\u00eb pun\u00ebsuarit shqiptar\u00eb n\u00eb administrat\u00ebn publike.<\/p>\n

Me pak fjal\u00eb, Gruevski i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb kryeminist\u00ebr q\u00eb prej dhjet\u00eb vitesh, duket se do t\u00eb dal\u00eb i konfirmuar prej zgjedhjeve t\u00eb reja, duke e zgjatur edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb jet\u00ebn e tij politike.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb pranver\u00eb t\u00eb 2016 do t\u00eb ket\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb parakohshme edhe n\u00eb Serbi. K\u00ebsaj radhe poli i q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm i pushtetit \u00ebsht\u00eb Aleksandar Vu\u00e7iq, ish-ministri i Informimit i fam\u00ebkeqit Millosheviq n\u00eb 1999, gjat\u00eb luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Vu\u00e7iqi nuk ka aq shum\u00eb vjet n\u00eb pushtet sa dy t\u00eb lartp\u00ebrmendurit, pasi ai u b\u00eb kryeminist\u00ebr vet\u00ebm n\u00eb 2014. Megjithat\u00eb, ata q\u00eb e njohin politik\u00ebn e regjionit, e din\u00eb se sa v\u00ebshtir\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb rehabilitohesh prej t\u00eb qenit minist\u00ebr i Millosheviqit e t\u00eb b\u00ebhesh nj\u00eb prej kryeministrave \u201cbenjamin\u00eb\u201d t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit n\u00eb m\u00eb pak se dy dekada.<\/p>\n

Pushteti i Vu\u00e7iqit dhe i Partis\u00eb Progresive, q\u00eb ai drejton, bazohet kryesisht n\u00eb faktin se tashm\u00eb ai zot\u00ebron m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 50% t\u00eb elektoratit, duke mundur t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb qeveri edhe pa koalicion. Megjithat\u00eb, Vu\u00e7iqi nuk heq dor\u00eb nga koalicionet. N\u00eb mandatin q\u00eb sapo po nd\u00ebrpritet, ai ka qen\u00eb n\u00eb koalicion me Da\u00e7iqin, ish-z\u00ebdh\u00ebn\u00ebs i Millosheviqit dhe kryetar i partis\u00eb t\u00eb dikurshme t\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit gjenocidal. N\u00eb qeverin\u00eb n\u00eb r\u00ebnie Da\u00e7iqi e partia e tij p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb ndikimin rus n\u00eb Serbi. Por, n\u00eb qeverin\u00eb e ardhshme, e cila si\u00e7 dihet tashm\u00eb, do t\u00eb drejtohet s\u00ebrish nga Vu\u00e7iqi, pritet q\u00eb Da\u00e7iqi t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb opozit\u00eb dhe n\u00eb koalicion qeveris\u00ebs t\u00eb jen\u00eb liberal\u00ebt Tadiq dhe Jovanoviq, t\u00eb dy kryetar\u00eb parti\u00e7kash tep\u00ebr t\u00eb vogla e t\u00eb mir\u00ebnjohura p\u00ebr korrupsion. Me k\u00ebt\u00eb l\u00ebvizje Vu\u00e7iqi e p\u00ebrmir\u00ebson imazhin e tij evropianist dhe distancohet p\u00ebrkoh\u00ebsisht nga Rusia (edhe pse kjo l\u00ebvizje sigurisht q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm sa p\u00ebr spektak\u00ebl, pasi politika zyrtare e jozyrtare e Serbis\u00eb do t\u00eb jet\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb n\u00eb flirt t\u00eb vazhduesh\u00ebm me Mosk\u00ebn e me Brukselin, p\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb q\u00eb ky pazar dydrejtim\u00ebsh sjell vet\u00ebm p\u00ebrfitime).<\/p>\n

Jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb nuk ka asnj\u00eb opozit\u00eb p\u00ebr Vu\u00e7iqin, pasi t\u00eb gjitha partit\u00eb e tjera jan\u00eb tep\u00ebr t\u00eb vogla p\u00ebr t\u00eb, por nuk ka asnj\u00eb fije shprese as n\u00eb spektrin e gjer\u00eb politik. 85% e spektrit parlamentar n\u00eb Serbi jan\u00eb parti q\u00eb ushqejn\u00eb pak a shum\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat ambicie p\u00ebr ringjalljen ose ringritjen e nj\u00eb hegjemonie serbe n\u00eb Ballkan, duke ruajtur kontrollin mbi Bosnj\u00ebn, Kosov\u00ebn, Malin e Zi dhe Maqedonin\u00eb dhe i vetmi debat \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebse kjo do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb b\u00ebhej p\u00ebrmes ekspansionit t\u00eb but\u00eb ose atij pak m\u00eb t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr n\u00eb momentin e duhur. Pjesa e mbetur, 15% e spektrit, jan\u00eb kryesisht minoritete, t\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7ara e t\u00eb tensionuara si n\u00eb shembujt q\u00eb pam\u00eb m\u00eb lart.<\/p>\n

Vu\u00e7iqi, p\u00ebrve\u00e7se nj\u00eb strateg i mir\u00eb i ekspansionit serb n\u00eb regjion, \u00ebsht\u00eb dhe nj\u00eb mjesht\u00ebr i marketingut dhe i spektaklit. Dit\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb ai organizoi nj\u00eb arrestim masiv t\u00eb ish-funksionar\u00ebve shtet\u00ebror\u00eb, sipas gjasave, p\u00ebr korrupsion. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb e duartrokit\u00ebn, madje opozitar\u00ebt e vendeve fqinj\u00eb e mor\u00ebn si shembull pozitiv q\u00eb duhej ndjekur edhe n\u00eb vendet e tyre. Pakkush i vuri veshin faktit se Vu\u00e7iqi kishte arrestuar vet\u00ebm zyrtar\u00eb t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs. Leht\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ta godas\u00ebsh korrupsionin n\u00eb opozit\u00eb, por si\u00e7 e din\u00eb mir\u00eb edhe qytetar\u00ebt e Serbis\u00eb, ashtu si t\u00eb \u00e7do vendi n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor, korrupsioni kryesisht strehohet pran\u00eb pushtetit.<\/p>\n

Shqip\u00ebria dhe Kosova, sado q\u00eb t\u00eb ngjashme me shembujt e m\u00ebsip\u00ebrm, p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb dy raste kureshtare t\u00eb pervertimit t\u00eb rregullit. N\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri poli i sigurt i pushtetit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb parti e st\u00ebrmadhe ose nj\u00eb koalicion i pakonkurruesh\u00ebm, si n\u00eb rastet m\u00eb sip\u00ebr. N\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri poli i sigurt i pushtetit \u00ebsht\u00eb Ilir Meta dhe nj\u00eb parti e mesme, q\u00eb mish\u00ebron n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn m\u00eb efektive martes\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs me korporat\u00ebn. Ajo parti \u00ebsht\u00eb LSI-ja, e shpallur bot\u00ebrisht si \u201ckingmaker\u201d. Kjo parti, e njohur p\u00ebr pun\u00ebsimin e thuajse \u00e7do an\u00ebtari t\u00eb saj, pra p\u00ebr funksionimin si nj\u00eb klientokraci perfekte, tashm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb vendos\u00eb se cila prej dy partive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha do ta marr\u00eb pushtetin, PD-ja apo PS-ja. Shum\u00ebkush mendon se ekzistenca e LSI-s\u00eb sh\u00ebrben p\u00ebr t\u00eb nxjerr\u00eb n\u00eb pah hipokrizin\u00eb e pluralizmit dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb demaskuar faktin se PD e PS jan\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjta, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 ngjyrave kuptohet. Por, nga ana tjet\u00ebr, LSI-ja p\u00ebrb\u00ebn edhe nj\u00eb justifikim t\u00eb mir\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebto parti, t\u00eb cilat d\u00ebshtimet n\u00eb qeverisjet e tyre nuk kan\u00eb hezituar t\u2019ia p\u00ebrshkruajn\u00eb koalicionit t\u00eb detyruar me LSI-n\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Aktualisht kryeministri Edi Rama, nj\u00eb politikan me njohuri t\u00eb p\u00ebrcipta mbi politik\u00ebn, mbi vendin e vet e mbi rajonin, duket se po p\u00ebrpiqet ta dob\u00ebsoj\u00eb Ilir Met\u00ebn p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb reforme n\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi, e cila do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb kishte \u201ck\u00ebllqe\u201d t\u00eb d\u00ebnonte edhe \u201celefant\u00ebt\u201d. Aleat\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb reform\u00eb Rama po p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb gjej\u00eb te nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00ebt. Mir\u00ebpo, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb fakt i ditur se derisa q\u00eb Rama p\u00ebrpiqet ta d\u00ebmtoj\u00eb Met\u00ebn simbolikisht, Meta \u00ebsht\u00eb duke ia dob\u00ebsuar partin\u00eb Ram\u00ebs strukturalisht, duke ia \u201cbler\u00eb\u201d nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb baz\u00ebs n\u00eb k\u00ebmbim t\u00eb pun\u00ebsimit. Zhvillimi i ngjarjeve n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri \u00ebsht\u00eb rast kurioz, pasi mbetet p\u00ebr t\u2019u par\u00eb se a mund t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb aty p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb ajo q\u00eb ka d\u00ebshtuar kudo, pra q\u00eb oligarkia e mafia t\u00eb mposhten p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb \u201crevolucioni juridik\u201d (q\u00eb n\u00eb fakt \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb oksimoron m\u00eb vete). Gjasat e k\u00ebsaj jan\u00eb t\u00eb vogla: e para p\u00ebr shkak se tashm\u00eb Meta i ka riaktivizuar lidhjet e tij me Berish\u00ebn e me PD-n\u00eb dhe, e dyta, p\u00ebr shkak se Rama i ka \u201cMet\u00ebt\u201d e vet brenda n\u00eb partin\u00eb e tij, me dhjet\u00ebra, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt do t\u00eb ishin t\u00eb par\u00ebt q\u00eb do t\u2019i rezistonin \u201crevolucionit juridik\u201d t\u00eb Ram\u00ebs n\u00ebse ky do t\u00eb kishte gjasa t\u00eb ishte v\u00ebrtet funksional. Ashtu si\u00e7 i ka \u201cMet\u00ebt\u201d e vet edhe vet\u00eb Berisha, gj\u00eb q\u00eb krijon nj\u00eb ambient tejet t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr lul\u00ebzimin e Ilir Met\u00ebs si njeri, si simbol, si fenomen.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb Kosov\u00eb ka ndodhur krejt e kund\u00ebrta. Partit\u00eb rotative, q\u00eb mbanin n\u00eb pushtet nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebn duke qen\u00eb nj\u00ebsoj, pra si n\u00eb rastet m\u00eb sip\u00ebr, jan\u00eb detyruar t\u00eb b\u00ebhen bashk\u00eb. Kjo erdhi si rezultat i fuqizimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb subjekti antiestablishment, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb L\u00ebvizja VET\u00cbVENDOSJE!, e cila ka arritur t\u00eb b\u00ebhet faktor dhe forca m\u00eb e madhe opozitare \u2013 p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha gjasave. Si t\u00eb mos mjaftonte kjo, VET\u00cbVENDOSJE! ka arritur p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb t\u00eb mbledh\u00eb pas vetes t\u00eb gjitha subjektet e tjera opozitare, pavar\u00ebsisht kritikave diku me vend e diku pavend t\u00eb moralist\u00ebve diku t\u00eb sinqert\u00eb e diku t\u00eb paguar. N\u00eb aspektin e spektrit elektoral dhe transformimit t\u00eb tij t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm, Kosova duket se m\u00eb shum\u00eb i ngjan Spanj\u00ebs sesa regjionit dhe fqinj\u00ebve t\u00eb saj.<\/p>\n

E v\u00ebrteta \u00ebsht\u00eb se Tha\u00e7i e Mustafa ose PDK e LDK n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb nuk p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb asgj\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme, krahasuar me partit\u00eb e vendeve t\u00eb sip\u00ebrp\u00ebrmendura, por, ndryshe nga ato vende, n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb ekziston nj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb, di\u00e7ka e re, e paprovuar m\u00eb par\u00eb. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb subjekt kritik ndaj demokracis\u00eb si rotacion, nj\u00eb subjekt me organizim demokratik anti-autoritar, nj\u00eb subjekt majtist modern me nj\u00eb politik\u00eb tep\u00ebr t\u00eb shtjelluar sa i p\u00ebrket barazis\u00eb sociale. Por, mbi t\u00eb gjitha, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb subjekt q\u00eb deri m\u00eb tash nuk mund ta akuzoj\u00eb askush p\u00ebr korrupsion, edhe pse qeveris kryeqytetin e Kosov\u00ebs. \u00cbsht\u00eb subjekti q\u00eb ka ndalur mafien e rrezikshme t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimit dhe subjekt q\u00eb nuk heziton t\u00eb p\u00ebrballet me kriminel\u00ebt e organizuar. E, n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, pik\u00ebrisht me forc\u00ebn q\u00eb ia jep kjo past\u00ebrti morale e ligjore, \u00ebsht\u00eb i vetmi subjekt q\u00eb di t\u2019u thot\u00eb JO edhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00ebve, kur k\u00ebshillat e tyre nuk jan\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb vendit.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb fillim t\u00eb shkrimit pam\u00eb se si modeli i Millo Gjukanoviqit, si model negativ, u transferua dhe u shumua n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb vendet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor. A do t\u00eb mund\u00eb nj\u00eb model pozitiv t\u00eb lind\u00eb e t\u00eb forcohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend po ashtu t\u00eb vog\u00ebl e pastaj t\u00eb transferohet si shembull edhe n\u00eb vendet e tjera? A do t\u00eb mundet nj\u00eb demokraci vet\u00ebvendos\u00ebse t\u2019ia z\u00ebr\u00eb vendin autokracis\u00eb ballkanike? Kjo mbetet p\u00ebr t\u2019u par\u00eb.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Shkruan: Arb\u00ebr Zaimi Nj\u00eb lloj specifik autokracie \u00ebsht\u00eb instaluar gradualisht n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb e dukshme pas d\u00ebshtimit t\u00eb eksperimentimit relativisht t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr me pluralizmin, i cili mbajti mask\u00ebn…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":2981,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-8085","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinionanaliza"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8085"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=8085"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8085\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8086,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8085\/revisions\/8086"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/2981"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=8085"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=8085"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/alb.shekulliagency.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=8085"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}